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Farthing. — The type is similar to tbat of the half-penny ; the 
legend on the obverse and reverse, as ascertained from several coins, 

is CAR.O or CAB ■ D • G • MAG • BRI, and FRA • BT • H1B • REX. Fig. 6 

weighs 416 grs. 

When Mr. Lindsay first published a few of these coins in 1839, 1 
the clue to their history had not been discovered, but no difliculty 
now exists in identifying the copper money coined by order of the 
Confederates, who testified the loyalty professed in their proclama- 
tion, by adopting the type and legends of the copper farthings of 
Charles I., issued in 1625. 

The proclamation ordered " that everie pound of copper be made 
to the value of 2 s 8 d ," that is, sixty-four half-pence, by tale to the 
pound Troy of 5760 grains, which fixes the weight of the half-penny 
at ninety grains. This standard does not appear to have been re- 
garded, for the respective weight of thirteen half-pence ranges from 
53-3 to 124*9 grs., the average weight being only 73 grs. The 
weight of the farthings ranges from 40 1 to 59'9grs. 

These coins are made of "red copper," and each piece is poly- 
gonal, the blank having been clipped to match the size of the die, 
without taking into consideration the thickness of the metal, which 
accounts for the remarkable difference in weight already noticed. 

They were struck with so little care, many of them present only 
a small portion of the impression, and the examples now published 
have been selected as the best and most characteristic from a large 
number, which exhibit many varieties in the form of the crown and 

{To be continued.) 


{Continued from vol. ii., n.s., page 428.) 


Sir Peter Carew died without issue, but he had two cousins, Peter 
and George Carew, who were the objects of his affections, and whom 
he had invited over to Ireland, where they were engaged in the 
military service of the Queen. . # 

It has been already mentioned that Sir Peter Carew, on quitting 


i " Coinage of Ireland," p. 56, and Sup. Kilkenny Arch. Soc," vol. i., p. 449., and 
Plate IV., Fig. 82 to 88. See also " Trans. Plate. 


Leighlin to take up his residence on the estates he hoped to recover 
in Cork, gave over his house at Leighlin Bridge, with the whole en- 
tertainment of the garrison and charge of the barony of Idrone, to 
his kinsman, Peter Carew. He was eldest son of George Carew of 
Upton Hillion, in the county of Devon, an uncle of Sir Peter 
Carew. 1 Upon Sir Peter's death, the Idrone estate passed to young 
Sir Peter. 

By an Inquisition preserved in the Court of Exchequer in Ireland, 
it is found that Sir Peter Carew, deceased, by a feoffment, afterwards 
confirmed by his will, gave the barony of Idrone, after his own death, 
to the use of his wife, Margaret Talbois, for life, and after her death 
to Peter, the eldest son of Sir George Carew, his uncle, and his 
heirs male, remainder to George (afterwards so celebrated as Earl 
of Totness and President of Munster), second son of the said Sir 
George Carew and his heirs male, with various remainders over. 2 

Sir Peter, it may be remembered, had been appointed by the 
Queen Constable of the Castle of Leighlin ; and, upon his death, im- 
mediate suit was made on behalf of young Sir Peter to succeed him 
in the office. 

On the 9th December, 1575, Sir Francis Walsingham writes to 
Sir Henry Sidney: 

" We have heard the news of the death of good Sir Peter Carew. Ear- 
nest suit is made here for the establishing and maintaining of his cousin 
Peter (whom he hath made his heir to his lands in that realm in the barony 
of Idrone), and forasmuch as it is given to understand that the same shall 
be hardly kept unless he have also her Majesty's Castle of Leighlin in keep- 
ing, as Sir Peter had. 

" And forasmuch as I have learned, that the upholding of a true and 
trustie Englishman in those parts shall stand much to the advancement 
of her Majesty's service, as well as the repressing of the Irishrie in those 
parts, I am moved to be an intercessor unto your Lordship, that it may 
like you to shew him as much favour, as well by placing him as aforesaid, 
as by aiding him with such persons as are meetest to hold him in his 
strength for the keeping of him in his inheritance, and to hold the country 
in good obedience." 3 

Peter Carew, the younger, was accordingly appointed Constable 
of Leighlin Castle, and so continued until his death in 1580. This 
occurred in an attack made by order of Lord Grey de Wilton, just 
then appointed Deputy of Ireland, on the stronghold of Fay, the 
son of Hugh O'Byme (Fiagh M'Hugh O'Byrne), in Glenmalur, in 

1 See Carew pedigree. " Life and Times Bagnal. Elizabeth, No. 3. County of Carlow. 
of Sir P. Carew," by Maitland. Appendix. 3 Collins's " Memorials of the Sidney 

8 Inquisitiones post mortem. Dudleigh Family," vol. i., p. 389. 


the county of Wicklow, about twenty miles from Dublin. It was 
during Lord Baltinglass'a rebellion (the only rebellion of the Pale), 
which, though grounded on the grievances of the Lords of the Pale, 
of course found ready sympathizers among that nobleman's neigh- 
bours, the mountaineers of Wicklow. Fay, son of Hugh O'Byrne, 
called by Sir John Perrott " the firebrand of the mountains be- 
tween Dublin and Wexford," was head of the clan of the O'Byrnes. 1 
Secure from attack in his inaccessible house of Ballinacorr, adjoining 
the Vale of Glenmalur, " he hung" like a sword " over the neck of 
Dublin." 2 

He was now aided by one of the Fitzgeralds with a company of 
revolted soldiers and " the remnants (as the scribe in the Four 
Masters calls them) of the O'Mores and O'Connors who were not 
extirpated by Sir Henry Sidney." 

Lord Grey de Wilton, within six days after his arrival in Dub- 
lin, anxious to signalize his office of Lord Deputy, marched from 
the Castle of Dublin with a considerable force, including both Peter 
and George Carew, for an attack on Fay's stronghold, which was a 
deep wooded glen. 

Lord Grey, inexperienced in Irish warfare, ordered Peter Carew 
(though warned of the danger by Francis Cosby) to dismount and 
lead his men down through the wood, while he himself on horseback, 
with Jaques Wingfield, George Carew, and others, watched the 
operation from the higher ground. 

The party under Peter Carew were soon attacked at a disad- 
vantage by Fay's men, and were obliged to fly with serious loss, in- 
cluding Peter Carew, who, incumbered with his armour, and fatigued 
with running, fell in some boggy ground, was seized, stripped, and, 
while Fay and others were endeavouring to save him, he was 
treacherously slain by one of Fay's swordsmen. George Carew 
would have gone with his brother, but his uncle, Jaques Wingfield, 
who had his doubts of the result of this rash proceeding, forbade 
him, saying, "No: though I lose the one, yet I will keep the 
other." 3 

George Carew, under the limitations of Sir Peter's will, now suc- 
ceeded to the lands of the barony of Idrone, and was also appointed 
Constable of the Castle of Leighlin in the room of his brother Peter, 
but his Munster claims being enough to occupy his whole attention, 
he sold his estate of the barony of Idrone, in the year 1585, to 
Dudleigh Bagnal. 4 

Dudleigh Bagnal was a younger son of Sir Nicholas Bagnal, who ; 

i"LifeofSirJohnPerrott,"p. 16. Small * 10th February, 1584-5, Inquisitiones 

4to. London. 1626. post mortem. Dudleigh Bagnal preserved 

'Spencer's "View of Ireland," p. 81. in the Exchequer, County of Carlow, 

3 Hooker in Holinshed, vol. vi., p. 4S5. No. 3. 


in the year 1565, was made Marshal of the army by Queen Elizabeth, 
in consideration, so the Patent runs, of his good and acceptable ser- 
vice performed to King Henry VIII., to King Edward VI., to 
Queen Mary, and to Queen Elizabeth herself. 1 Dudleigh was 
brother to Sir Henry Bagnal, who, on the death of his father, Sir 
Nicholas, in 1583, was made Marshal in his room. 2 The Bagnals 
were from Staffordshire, and Sir Nicholas Bagnal was the first of 
the family that came to Ireland, arriving in the year 1542. 

He settled at Newry, in the county of Down, having in the 
year 1552 received from King Edward a grant of the lordship of 
Newry, and the dissolved Abbey, and extensive lands thereto an- 
nexed ; also the Lordship of Green Castle and Mourne. 3 

The Marshal's life seems to have been passed in the wars in Ire- 
land, and his sons Henry, Dudleigh, and Kalphe were all officers in 
Queen Elizabeth's army, and were born, bred, and died amidst the 
conflicts and tumults of that troubled reign in Ireland. 

It may well be presumed that Dudleigh Bagnal was of a different 
temper and character from Sir Peter Carew the elder. It would be 
hard indeed to find a man of Sir Peter's qualifications. With his free- 
dom from prejudice (the character of a man that had seen the manners 
of many nations and cities of the world), with his hospitality and 
soldierly qualities, he was well suited to govern the Irish. De- 
pending altogether on the will of their landlord for their security 
and good treatment, they placed inestimable store on his personal 
disposition. The fears of Sir Peter's tenants had early presaged 
the possibility of his selling his estate in Idrone. A rumour to that 
effect got abroad once during his absence in London, and so dis- 
mayed his tenants that the whole management of his estate was in- 
terrupted, and Sir Peter was informed that, unless he came over to 
disabuse their minds of this false tale, it was but lost labour to tra- 
vail in his business. 

" Your tenants," writes Hooker, "do verily refuse to take any estate 
at all, other than at your own hands .... because they are informed 
that you do minde and intend to sell or conveighe the same to some one 
of the Earls of this land, which, if you should do so, then, besides the rents 
which you compounded, they shall stand at such devotion [i. e., in such 
thraldom], as which they do curse the time to think upon. . . . But 
assuredly, if you do mind to come over yourself, you shall be assured to 
set the same at such rate, price, and rent, as you will yourself: for so as 
they may have you to be their defender, and to be free from such gover- 
nors as whom they fear to offend, they care not how far they do strain 
themselves." 4 

1 " Liber Hibernise," vol. ii. part ii., thur Bagnall." Jac. I. Printed Inquisitions 

p. 139. of Chancery. 

! lb., ib. * " Life and Times of Sir P. Carew," by 

' Inquis. Ultonise, Down, No. 15, " Ar- Maclean. Pp. 248-9. 


Sir Peter, as we have seen, confirmed the principal gentlemen 
of the Kavanaghs in their possessions, and did not seek to remove 
any of the inferior families from their holdings, but made them his 
tenants by lease. 

Dudleigh Bagnal, nursed up in conflict with the Irish, held them, 
probably, in contempt, and they, probably, repaid his scorn with 
hatred. Be that as it may, he was not eighteen months in posses- 
sion of his estate in Idrone before he was murdered. The cause of 
it was, of course, the land question. He would not permit Donough 
and Murtough Kavanagh to live on the lands given by Sir Peter 
Carew to their father. 

Murtough Kavanagh, the elder of the Garquill, was the chief 
of his name, and father of Donough and Murtough Oge, above men- 
tioned. His chief house was the Castle of Rathnegarry, in Idrone, 
but he and his family dwelt at the Garquill adjoining to it. 1 It seems 
that Dudleigh Bagnal, after he had bought the baron y of Idrone, 
was not content to let the Kavanaghs continue in possession of cer- 
tain lands which they had been permitted to enjoy under the Carews, 
and, consequently, an ill feeling was engendered. 

About the 30th of November, 1586, Henry Hern, son of Sir Ni- 
cholas Hern, and brother-in-law of Bagnal, having lost four cows, 
proceeded with twenty men to the house of Murtough Oge, chief 
of the Kavanaghs, who was at this time upwards of seventy years 
old. They entered the house with their swords drawn, which the 
old man seeing, attempted to effect his escape, but was taken and 
brought before Mr. Hern, who laid to his charge that one of his sons 
had taken away the cows. 

Murtough Oge fairly promised to pay for the cattle if this could 
be proved, and appealed to the sessions ; but this would not satisfy 
his accusers, who barbarously put him to death. This led to a 
deadly feud. In the following spring Murtough's two sons, Mur- 
tough and Donough Caraghe, assembled their followers with a de- 
termination of avenging their father's death, and on the 21st May, 
1587, with twenty men they attacked a place called Ballymoiva, 
which they plundered, and then returned with the expectation of be- 
ing followed by Bagnal, in anticipation of which they had set an 

i The Garquill is the same as Garryhill, the rere, is a circular enclosure within a 

at present the property of the Earl of Bess- ditch, apparently the site of some old Irish 

borough. There is a mansion on it, built dwelling. Garryhill has evidently been, from 

some 80 or 100 years ago, still occasionally remote times, the chief place of a district, 

occupied by the owner for a few weeks in It commands a most extensive view on all 

the year. About the place are certain marks sides, and lies on the road from Myshall to 

of antiquity, a few ancient trees, two re- Bagnalstown, being about five miles from 

markable old gate piers, standing in a field the latter. At the distance of a mile and a 

in front of the house, and, in the garden, part half from Garryhill are seen the ruins of 

of a very ancient wall. Near the house, in Rathnaree Castle. 


ambush of forty men to intercept him. Nor were they disappointed. 
Mr. Bagnal pursuing fell into the trap, and with thirteen others 
was slain. He was found to have received sixteen wounds above 
the girdle, one of his legs was cut off, and his tongue was drawn out 
of his mouth and slit. 

These details are all taken from the contemporary account writ- 
ten by Henry Sheffield to Lord Burleigh, 1 and, in addition to the 
judgment thus pronounced on the injustice of Dudleigh Bagnal's pro- 
ceedings, Sir John Perrott seems to have formed the same opinion 
of his conduct, for, after giving a similar account, and stating that 
Donough and Murtough Kavanagh assigned those acts of Dudleigh 
Bagnal as the cause of their rebellion, he seems to have taken them 
into protection, and advocated their pardon. 2 

Dudleigh Bagnal, at his death, left his son Nicholas, an infant, 
his heir-at-law, to whom, of course, the estate of Idrone descended. 
The castle and mansion-house attached to it at Leighlin Bridge, 
where Dudleigh resided, were held, however, merely in right of his 
Constableship of the Castle, and now passed to Ralph Bagenal, 
Dudleigh's brother, the uncle of the minor, who got himself ap- 
pointed Constable, and, on Ralphe' s death, to Sir Henry Bagnal, 
the eldest brother of Dudleigh, who succeeded him in the office. 3 

It appears, from a very curious recital in the patent of office, ap- 
pointing Nicholas Bagnal to the Constableship of Leighlin Castle 
on his coming of age, that at the time of the purchase of Idrone by 
Dudleigh Bagnal, Sir George Carew got permission to surrender 
the Constableship, with the house and lands attached to the Castle 
(so necessary to the management of the estate), to Dudleigh. On 
Dudleigh's death, however, Sir George's surrender not being com- 
plete, Ralphe Bagnal, Dudleigh's brother, got liberty to stand 
in Dudleigh's place, but he, too, died before the transaction was per- 
fected, whereupon Sir Henry Bagnal, the elder brother of Dudleigh 
and Ralphe, entered into possession of the castle and premises at 
Leighlin Bridge, and occupied them until his, Sir Henry's, death, 
which occurred at the fatal overthrow of the English forces at the 
battle of the Blackwater, near Armagh, in the month of August, 
1598, where he was killed, leading the Queen's army against his 
brother-in-law, Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, then in revolt. 

Upon Sir Henry Bagnal's death, Sir George Carew found him- 
self liable to large arrears of rent, due to the Queen for the premises 
attached to the Castle at Leighlin Bridge, as Sir Henry Bagnal had 
neglected to discharge the rent during his occupancy, and the sur- 
render of Sir George Carew's interest and patent had not been pro- 

1 " Life of Sir P. Carew," by Maclean, p. 3 The uncles, probably, took the office to 

254 n. • secure the residence for their nephew during 

2 " Life of Sir John Perrott," p. 122. his minority. 


perly completed at the time of Ralphe Bagnal's death, so as to dis- 
charge Sir George, and fix the legal liability on the Bagnals. In 
these circumstances Sir George Carew applied to Lord Mountjoy, 
the Lord Deputy, fbr an appointment to be made to a nominee 
of his own, anticipating probably (what actually happened) that 
Nicholas Bagnal, son and heir of Dudleigh, who was now near of 
age, would be willing to take up the Constableship, and pay the 
arrears of rent rather than that a place of such importance and value 
to the owner of the barony of Idrone should be occupied by a 
stranger. 1 

Accordingly, on the 5th of October, 1602, Nicholas Bagnal was 
appointed Constable of the Castle of Leighlin, and in the year 1605 
had livery and seisin (i.e., delivery and possession) granted him by 
the king of his estate, which as tenant in capite (i. e., holding 
immediately of the king), had been in the enjoyment of the Crown 
or the Crown's nominee, during his minority. 

Nicholas appears to have been the last of the Bagnals that oc- 
cupied the castle and mansion at Leighlin Bridge as his residence, 

1 " Sir George Carew, by letters dated 
from the camp at Carew Castle, addressed 
to Lord Mountjoy, signified his willingness 
for passing the office of Constable to Nicho- 
las Bagnal, and the cancelling of his (Sir 
George Carew's) patent, viz., by the allow- 
ance of the Lord Deputy and Council he 
conveyed over an estate thereof, as also of 
certain lands annexed thereto (for which 
there was a great rent reserved to the Queen, 
together with the inheritance of the barony 
of Idrone, which neighboured the same), to 
Dudley Bagnal, Esq., who, before he obtain- 
ed patent thereof in his own name, was un- 
fortunately slain, and then the same reverted 
to Sir G. Carew, who conveyed the same to 
to Mr. Ralphe Bagnal, his brother, who also 
died before Sir George Carew's patent was 
surrendered, whereby the same reverted to 
him again. Sir Henry Bagnal, during his 
absence in England, entered and enjoyed the 
profits thereof during his life, and in all that 
time never paid her Majesty the growing 
rents, due out of the lands annexed to the 
said Constableship, but left the arrearages 
of rent chargeable on Sir George Carew, who, 
as Constable, was answerable. Therefore, 
upon notice thereof, Sir George Carew, when 
he was with the Lord Deputy at Kilkenny, 
prayed his Lordship's warrant to possess 
himself of the said house and lands of Leigh- 
lin, whereunto he only was patentee, which 
the Lord Deputy accordingly did, and, by 
virtue of his warrant, Nicholas Hermon, as 

his Vice-Constable, still continued in the 
same. Upon which his entry, Master Ni- 
cholas Bagnal, son and heir to Dudleigh, to 
whom Sir George first made sale thereof, be- 
sought him that he might have the benefit 
of the bargain, and what he intended to pass, 
which, although by law he could not chal- 
lenge ; yet Sir George, conceiving himself 
bound in conscience to accomplish that to the 
son which he at first intended to the father, 
and perceiving the young gentleman to be 
of a good forward spirit, his principal liv- 
ing and fortune depending thereon, without 
which the barony of Idrone could do him 
little good, nor the Constableship be well 
maintained and supported, except the office 
and the barony were both in one man's 
hands, was contented, so as he would clear 
him of the arrears, to surrender his whole 
estate therein. Which being done, Sir George 
besought the Lord Deputy to cause the old 
patent to be cancelled, and a new one to be 
passed to the said Nicholas, also desiring his 
Lordship to give special order that the lands 
belonging to the Abbey, whereon the Castle 
was built, and which lay near to the house 
of Leighlin, might not be divided from the 
house, but granted by new lease to the Con- 
stable,lest, by disposing of them to a stranger, 
controversies might be nourished, and thereby 
her Majesty's house endangered. Patent, 
accordingly, to Sir Nicholas Bagnal, Octo- 
ber 5, 1602."— "Liber Hibernias," part ii. 
p. 126. 


for the next Constable was a stranger, 1 and it was owing, probably, 
to the circumstance of the Bagnals losing the Constableship and the 
official residence attached to the Castle, that they built a residence 
for themselves about two miles to the east of Leighlin Bridge, called 
Dunleckny House, where they continued to reside, and from whence 
they were always afterwards known as of Dunleckny. 

There is now to be passed over a period of nearly forty years that 
preceded the year 1641, which Lord Clarendon portrays as forty 
years of peace, during which men, as before the Flood, were eating 
and drinking, marrying and giving in marriage, until suddenly came 
the night of the 23rd of October, 1641, with the breaking out of the 
great Irish Rebellion, when all that had hitherto been called pros- 
perity was to give place to ruin and desolation. 

This period was one of great improvement in Ireland. Plan- 
tations similar to that of Idrone, but managed more " thorough" 
than, to the regret of Sir Henry Sidney, Sir Peter Carew chose to 
manage his barony, had been taking place all over the kingdom. 
New English planters, proprietors, and tenants, were nocking over, 
and new buildings and improved farming were to be seen in vari- 
ous parts. 

The Munster plantation, formed by Queen Elizabeth, of gentle- 
men out of Cheshire and Lancashire, and others from Devonshire, 
which had been swept away on the outbreak of Tyrone's rebellion 
in the North, " making the work of years to be the spoil of days," as 
Bacon says, was renewed. The Ulster plantation had been growing 
for about thirty years. Leitrim was just planted. Sir John Davis, 
fetching over from the treasury at Westminster the old engagement 
made by the Byrnes, Kavanaghs, and others, with King Richard 
II., to quit all the lands they held within the line of the Barrow, 
had the king's title found to all the lands comprised within the 
line of the Slaney and the sea as far north as Arklow River, and 
King James I. formed a well-defined and well-secured plantation in 
that part of the county of Wexford. 2 Lord Strafford had commenced 
another plantation in the county of Wicklow, on the lands held for 
ages by the Byrnes. And, following Sir John Davis's plan of hunt- 

i April 2, 1609 : H. Fisher, Gent., ap- of Arklow north, the sea on the east, and ihe 

pointed Constable of the Castle of Leighlin, bounds of the counties of Catherlagh and 

vice Bagnal, deceased. — " Liber Hib.," part Kildare on the west ; whereof the profits and 

ii. p. 126. occupation have been for many years in the 

2 "The new plantation intended in the several septs of the Kavanaghs, Kinsalaghs, 

county ofWexford, in the province of Leinster, Mac-Saddoes, Mac-de-Amoores, and Mur- 

is to be made in the two baronies of Gowry and roughs. . . . His Lordship (the Lord 

Ballakenny, and the half barony of Skerrie- Deputy) resolved on a project for the divi- 

walshe, which contain (as they are estimated sion and plantation of those counties. . . 

by Survey), about 66,800 acres of land, all Of57natives,21arestilltoretaintheirancient 

lying together on one continent, betwixt the habitations. All the residue of the inhabi- 

Eiver of Slaney on the south, and the River tants, estimated to be 14,500 men, women, 


ing up old defective titles, he had the king's title found to the whole 
of Connaught, and " a noble English plantation was designed," 1 and 
the town of Gal way, it was thought (if the scheme had not been 
suddenly cut short by cutting of the Earl of Strafford shorter by 
the head), might have become another Deny on the west. 

So pleased was Sir John Davis with the improved prosperity of 
Ireland, that he describes the year 1613 as a year of jubilee, the 
Sabbath of the land after its travails of 400 years 2 (" for the plagues 
of Egypt, though they were grievous, were but of short continuance, 
but the plagues of Ireland lasted four hundred years" 3 ) ; when the 
strings of this Irish harp, which the civil magistrate doth finger, 
were all in tune, whence he conceived a hope that Ireland (which 
heretofore might properly be called the " Land of Ire," because the 
irascible power was predominant there for the space of four hundred 
years together), would, thenceforth, prove a land of peace and con- 
cord ; and, as a proof of its peace and its progress, he declared it to 
be so free from crime that, for five years preceding, he had not 
found so many malefactors worthy of death in all the six circuits 
of Ireland as in one circuit of six counties, namely, the western 
circuit in England. 4 

" This state of peace and prosperity," in the words of Lord Cla- 
rendon, " continued for forty years," that is to say, from the end 
of Queen Elizabeth's reign up to the breaking out of the great Re- 
bellion of 1641, " being such a calm (according to his account) as 
Ireland had not known since the twelfth century, with plenty and 
security, increase of traffic, and whatever else might be pleasant 
and profitable to a people." 

And it was a period of progress and improvement, — improve- 
ment of the new demesnes and farms in the occupation of the Eng- 
lish and Scottish planters, and a period of calm produced by the de- 
cay and despair of the Irish race, which saw no means of further 
resisting the confiscation and plantation of their ancient inheri- 

The new proprietors were full of the enjoyments of their lately 
acquired properties, " vineyards they had not planted, and houses 

and children, may be removed at the will * " Discovery," &c, pp. 303, 304. 

of the patentees." — " Report of the Commis- 3 Sir J. Davis would have agreed with 

sioners made to the King (A. D. 1613), the poet's description of Ireland's continued 

concerning the general grievances of the misery, who, however, had to add two cen- 

kingdom." 1 " Desiderata Curiosa Hiber- turies more of misfortune elapsed, since that 

nica; or, Collection of State Papers, illus- greatest oflrishAttorney-General'sprophecy 

trating the government of Ireland during of prosperity — 

the reigns of Queen Elizabeth, James I., " Hapless nation, rent and torn, 

and Charles I." — Vol. i.,p. 376. 8vo. Dub. Earlrthouwert taught to mourn; 

, - 7 n Warfare of six hundred years, 

1 ' ' £ ' , „., . , ,. „ Epochs marked by blood and tears." 

i Sir R. Cox s" Hiberiua AngUcana, 
part ii. p. 56. " * " Discovery," p. 200. 


they had not builded." Everything to them wore the aspect of 
happiness and prosperity, for they were happy and prosperous them- 
selves. Yet there were statesmen who foresaw danger and future 
misfortune amid all this prosperity. They were aware that this 
prosperity was founded in the midst of a secretly discontented and 
unhappy nation, though deprived of arms and of hope of redress. 
They knew how grieved the Irish were to leave their possessions 
to strangers, which they had so long after their manner enjoyed, 
as Sir John Davis contemptuously describes it, 1 even though it 
were but " a scambling kind of possession," on which "they had 
never planted orchards or gardens." 2 

Had they chosen to listen to the native writers, they would have 
heard from them their opinion (at the very same date) of the cru- 
elty of driving out the owners from their native homes with charges 
of children — no property but a few cows and garrans — no trade but 
tillage and pasturage ; men, however, of lofty spirit and vigorous 
frames, who would rather hunger and want in their own soil than 
feast in a foreign country. These men, it was said, in mere despair, 
might, perhaps, fight for their homes, and prefer to be drowned in 
their own blood near the graves of their forefathers, like the Scy- 
thians to whom they were said in race to belong, than be driven as 
exiles to an unknown country, or be buried on an unknown shore. 3 
" Of old," says Rothe, in his " Analecta," " we might fear the sound 
of the trumpet and the brandishing of the sword, but now what else 
do we hear of and dread, than the inextricable questions of our fore- 
fathers' religion and our forefathers' possessions ; questions about our 
faith, our farms, our estates ; about plantations and supplantations ; 
about putting a new face on this old country ; about extending the 
new colonies of strangers ; about spreading a new religion ; about 
confirming old estates by new titles ; and heaping on the inhabi- 
tants fresh injuries." 4 

Sir Edw. Phillips, who was sent over by King Charles I., in 
1627, to survey and report upon the Ulster plantation, foresaw the 
dangers to be apprehended from the secret discontents of the Irish, 
and prophesied for it, in consequence of the settlers' disregard of 
these injured feelings of the native inhabitants, and the careless se- 
curity in which they lived amongst them, a fate similar " to the 
lamentable case of the Munster plantation after the Blackwater 
overthrow, yet fresh in our memories." 5 

Archbishop Usher, in the same year, addressing an assembly of 

■ Letter to the Earl of Salisbury, of the (David Rothe, Eoman Catholic Bishop of 

State of Ireland, 1610, " Discovery,"p. 284. Ossory). Printed at Cologne," A. D. 1617. 

» Id., p. 280. 12mo, pp. 581. Dedicated to the Prince of 

s " Analecta sacra nova et mira de Rebus Wales. 
Catholicorum in Hibernia. Collectoreet Re- * Id., pp. 204-5. 

latore, T. N., Philadelpho, pp. 259-60. 'Harris's " Hibernica," vol. i. p. 13.1. 


notables at the Castle of Dublin, composed principally of the an- 
cient nobility and gentry of English extract (who were chiefly Ro- 
man Catholic), which met to consider of raising funds for support- 
ing a standing army, on account of an apprehended invasion from 
Spain,relied, as his principal argument for the measure, upon the 
discontent of the Irish, on account of their being dispossessed of 
their lands. He warned them that they would have, in the event 
of invasion, to meet the attempt of the Irish to re-establish them- 
selves in their ancient possessions, "for this (said my lord) you 
may assure yourselves ' Manet alta mente repostum,' in other 
words, lies at the bottom of their hearts." 1 

In all rebellions previous to the civil war of 1641, the "Old 
English," though Roman Catholic, and the Milesian, or native 
Irish, had been opposed to one another, but already, in 1614, their 
union was presaged, on account of the late plantations of new Eng- 
lish and Scottish in all parts of the kingdom, whom, with an unani- 
mous consent, both reputed as a common enemy : 

" The general ill affections to the state increasing on this account, as 
well as for the cause of religion (whereby they are united), the next re- 
bellion [adds this statesman], whensoever it shall happen, doth threaten 
more danger to the state than any that hath preceded." 2 

The barony of Idrone was at this period in possession of Colonel 
Walter Bagnal. He was grandson of Dudleigh Bagnal, the first 
purchaser, slain, as has been mentioned, by the Kavanaghs, which 
Dudleigh was son of one Marshal of the English army, and brother 
of another. Colonel Walter Bagnal was thus distant by but a 
few descents from the first Bagnal that left the ancestral home in 
Staffordshire to improve his fortune in Ireland. 

Had Colonel Walter Bagnal, this Englishman at little more 
than three removes, been told that he was to forfeit, as being Irish, 
those very estates that the Kavanaghs had lost for the same cause, 
he would, probably, have called it a hard saying, difficult of belief. 
Yet so it happened. And if he had been versed in the story of Ire- 
land, he would have found it but a common case. 3 

i "Present State of Ireland," p. 61. were called in that day. The soldiery and 

12mo. London. 1673. other planters of Cromwell's day had not 

* A Discourse of the Present State of been settled twenty years in Ireland, when 

Ireland, 1614, per S. C. " Desiderata Cu- (in the debates of the English Parliament 

riosa Hibernica," vol. i., p. 430. of 1667 on the Cattle Bills), they were 

1 It has, indeed, been remarked from old regarded with almost as much scorn as the 

time that the people of England regard with Irish Rebels of 1641. (See Carte's " Life 

all the cold, bitter feeling of a stepmother, of Ormond," pp. 332-3.) For years after 

their own children, when once they trans- the Revolution of 1688, the same spirit was 

plant themselves to Ireland. The statutes of exhibited to those lately planted from Eng- 

Edward the First's day prove that the" Eng- land in Irish soil, in the measures and de- 

lishby birth" in Ireland, i.e., the officials and bates concerning the woollen trade, which 

others fresh from England, looked down on makes one of those English lately settled in 

the " English by blood,'' as Irish landlords Ireland exclaim, in 1698, that though the 


One ofthe motives of that settlement of Ireland, which eventuated 
in the transplanting to Connaught, in the year 1653, ofthe remnant 
of the Irish nation left undestroyed by famine, pestilence, and the 
sword, was the difficulty that had been experienced at all times of 
preserving the English settlement in its integrity in Ireland. 

" It has been observed,'' writes one of the principal promoters of that 
scheme, " that from the very day upon which peace hath been concluded, 
and the affairs of Ireland settled between the English and the Irish, the 
Irish have grown stronger and stronger, and the English weaker and 
weaker, whereby the Irish interest, after all former settlements, gained 
ground, and wearied out the English." 

The Irish Statute Book is but a record of the same story. It 
might almost be described as the groans of England over her lost 
labours in the settlement of Ireland. The difficulty of maintaining 
the settlement in its English purity lay, in truth, in the very nature 
of things. 

If, of matter, the greater mass of atoms attracts the less, it hap- 
pens no otherwise with man, who never fails at length to be moulded 
more or less nearly to the model of the multitude he moves amongst. 
The English settlers, few in number, compared with the native 
Irish, must by sympathy be naturally prompted to adopt the man- 
ners and prefer the interests of those they lived with. There are 
principles of man's nature which interest him in the fortune of others, 
and render their happiness necessary to him, though he derive no- 
thing from itbut thepleasure of seeing it. The sociability ofthe Irish, 
their greater ease and animation of life, their freedom from the bur- 
den of the feudal system (for they knew nothing of forfeitures, of 
wardships, of marriages, of reliefs, of forest laws, or game laws), 
had great attractions; and mutual wants and common interests 

English of Ireland be " bone of their bone, (to England), he must rest satisfied with 
and flesh of their flesh," yet the English of the odious character of an Irishman." — 
England still treat them ever as Irish. And, "A Discourse concerning Ireland, and the 
he observes, how peculiar is their lot when different Interests thereof. In Answer to 
they remove to Ireland, compared with set- the Exon and Barnstaple Petitions. Shew- 
tling in any other of the English colonies. ing that if a law were enacted to prevent the 
"A man may travel out of England (he re- exportation of woollen manufacture from Ire- 
marks) to Africk, Asia, America,— remove land to foreign parts, what would be the 
his family with him if he thinks convenient consequences both to England and Ireland. 
— live as long as he pleases in the English Pro aris et focis," p. 46. Small 4to, 72 pp. 
factories of those countries, and have sons London. 1697-8 (Anonymous, but written 
and daughters born to him, and if he and by the Rev. Mr. Thomas, Vicar-General of 
they happen to return to England, they shall Tuam.) "The great Interest of England 
not be denied the title and privilege of Eng- in the Well-planting of Ireland, with Eng- 
lish people. But let a man once land upon lish people, discussed." By R. L. , a member 
Irish ground, breath of that ah\drink onedish of the Army in Ireland, p. 5. 8vo. Dubl. 
of St. Patrick's well, and especially if he live 1656. Many similar quotations, to the same 
there some few years, upon his return hither effect, might be added. 


were continually tending to amalgamate the two races. But it 
was the Irish, as the more numerous, that necessarily absorbed the 

Laws were continually enacted to forbid that union or amalga- 
mation of two races in contact which follows by the law of nature, 
and to require that the smaller should maintain itself a separate and 
distinct people, dwelling amidst the daily life of the larger. The 
code called " The Statute of Kilkenny" is but one sample from the 
statute book. It not merely forbids the English in Ireland, under 
the severest penalties, to adopt Irish dress, Irish laws, and Irish cus- 
toms, but even to hold commerce with them. The example ofthe Jews 
might have shown that this end could only be obtained at the cost 
of extirpating (as they were enjoined to do) the native and larger 
race by the sword. Now, among the many causes that attracted 
the English towards the Irish, there was a natural one of predomi- 
nant and irresistible force. The daughters of Erin were fair, and 
the women of England not coming over in sufficient number with 
the men, the English took wives of the native race. The children 
of the Irish mother, surrounded from the very breast by Irish nurses 
and gossips, lisped their first wants and first likings in Irish, and the 
son of the Englishman grew up half an Irishman before he was a 
man. 1 

This degenerating ofthe English, for so in their pride the Eng- 
lish of the mother country termed it, began, it has been remarked, 
at the Conquest, when Strongbow married Eva, daughter of Mac- 
Murrough, which was excusable, perhaps, considering the fine for- 
tune he received with her — no less than the kingdom of Leinster. 
But the ill effects of Englishmen marrying Irish wives had become 
so palpable by the reign of Edward III., that by the Statute of Kil- 
kenny it was made high treason. 2 Lovers, however, "laugh at all 

1 About forty years after Cromwell's era, provided she married no Irishman, or any 

and only seven years after the battle ofthe related to that interest." — "True way to 

Boyne, the following was written : — render Ireland happy and secure, or a Dis- 

" We cannot so much wonder at this course, wherein 'tis shown that 'tis the inte- 

(the quick degenerating of the English set- rest both of England and Ireland to encou- 

tlers in Ireland), when we consider how many rage foreign Protestants to plant in Ireland." 

there are ofthe children of Oliver's soldiers In a Letter to the Hon. Robert Molesworth. 

in Ireland, who cannot speak one word of Dubl. Printed by Andrew Crook, A. D. 

English. And (which is stronger), the same 1697. 

may be said of some ofthe children of King 2 "Article 2. Also it is ordained that no al- 
William's soldiers, who came but t'other day liance by marriage, gossipred, fostering of chil- 
into the country. This misfortune is owing dren, or by amour, be henceforth made be- 
to the marrying Irish women for want of tween the English and the Irish. . . . And if 
English, who come not over in so great num - any shall do the contrary, and thereof be at- 
bers as are requisite. 'Tis sure that no Eng- tainted, he shall have judgment of life and 
lishman in Ireland knows what his children member, as a traitor of our Lord the King." — 
may be as things are now; they cannot well Statute of Kilkenny, 40 Edward III., edi- 
live in the country without growing Irish, ted by J. Hardiman, Esq. Irish Archaeol. 
for none take such care as Sir Jerome Alex- Society, "Tracts relating to Ireland," part 
ander did, who left his estate to his daughter, ii., p. 9. 


laws but those which Love has made," and the fearful penalties of the 
Statute of Kilkenny were as vain against the grace and attrac- 
tiveness of Irish women, as were in after times the enactments of the 
Puritans, 1 and the methodized malignity of the Penal Laws. The 
penalties, however, were often paid ; and, though the enactments 
of Edward the Third's day had been repealed some short time before 
Colonel Walter Bagnal's birth, 2 yet the forfeiture of his life and 
estate, and his being branded as an Irishman, may be considered as 
the penalty that followed his father's marrying an Irishwoman. 
Distinctions and disqualifications on account of race had, it is true, 
been done away with expressly by statute. 3 But the English habit 
still brought privilege and power, and the Irish habit disqualifica- 
tion and disparagement. 

Ireland, within little more than fifty years before the great era 
of 1641, had been largely colonized by new English. The new 
English, as the settlers were called that had taken lands in the 
plantations formed in every part of the kingdom by Queen Eliza- 
beth, King James, and Charles I., formed, a rival interest, not 
merely to the native Irish, whom they supplanted in their lands, 
but to the old English, whom they supplanted in power, and the 
favour of the Crown. They came over, not merely with all the 
newest tastes in farming, but with the strongest English prejudices. 
The ancient English settlers were, of course, less English than the 
new planters, and managed their estates and their tenants in a more 
Irish way, and stuck to many Irish habits, and, amongst others, to the 
Irish habit of religion. 

Colonel Walter Bagnal, possessor of the barony of Idrone at 
the period of the Great Rebellion of 1641, was a Roman Catholic. 
He was grandson of Dudleigh Bagnal, the purchaser, whose eldest 
eon, Nicholas, died in 1624, leaving an only son, who soon after 
died, unmarried, whereupon the barony of Idrone passed to George 

1 Declaration of the Council for the Af- and how fit it is that it should by all other 

fairs of Ireland against intermarriages : — officers and persons employed in this Country 

"Whereas the late Lord Deputy Ireton be observed, Do further Order and Declare 

published a declaration (dated 1st May, that all Civil officers who shall intermarry with 

1651), wherein all officers and souldiers of the any of the women of this Nation that are 

army were strictly forbidden to intermarry Papists, &c, shall be suspended from their 

with any of the women of thisnation thatare several employments, and according to the 

Papists, or with any other that are or quality and circumstance of the offence be 

have been lately Papists (whose change held incapable of future preferment. Com- 

of religion is not, or cannot be judged to miss rs of the Revenue to receive any infor- 

flow from a real work of God upon their mation and make strict enquiry for offenders, 

hearts), upon penalty of being cashiered and to return the names of all such offenders 

the army, and made incapable of any fu- to the Coitim™ of the Commonwealth, 

ture employment, which declaration hath Dated at Dublin, July, 1653. 

been since renewed, continued, and pub- Edmd. Ludlow, Miles Corbett, 

lished by the Commander-in-Chief on the John Jones. 

10th of March last. The said Commiss" of s llth, 12th, and 13th Jas. I., c. v. 

the Commonwealth, takingintoconsideration Irish. A. D., 1612. 

the weighty reasons of the s rt Declaration, 3 11th, 12th, and 13th, Jao I., c ". 



Bagnal, of Ballymoon, in the county of Carlo w, second son of Dud- 
leigh Bagnal, and father of Walter Bagnal. 

George Bagnal had married Joarf" Butler, daughter of Walter, 
eleventh Earl of Ormond, and thus Colonel Walter Bagnal had a 
Roman Catholic for his mother, for the house of Ormond, like most 
of the ancient nobility of English race in Ireland, continued to be of 
the old form of religion after the Reformation in England. The 
great Duke of Ormond himself, grandson of this Walter, the ele- 
venth Earl, was the only Protestant of his family, 1 and this merely 
by the accident of his being under age when the title and estates 
devolved to him, whereupon, as being one of the king's wards, he 
was put under Protestant guardians by the Court of Wards, a branch 
of the Court of Chancery, and brought up a Protestant. 2 

Colonel Walter Bagnal was brought up a Roman Catholic, and 
thus, though in blood entirely English, came almost necessarily to 
side with the Irish in the conflicts of 1641. 

Until the rise of the rival power of the new English, the old 
English, as the Roman Catholic gentry of Ireland were designated, 
had enjoyed a monopoly of power. The native Irish were not only 
excluded from office, but were even disqualified from purchasing 
land in their own counties, in order to keep their interest in the re- 
duced state it had been left by the new plantations of Scotch and 
English, made at its expense. 

From the reign of James I., the old English found themselves 
debarred from office and power, on account of their religion, and saw 
with envy the monopoly which they had so long enjoyed transferred 
to their rivals — the new English. 

They found themselves, in the face of this new interest, under the 
same disability with the Irish, and, thus identified in grievance, they 
were at length forced by circumstances into a union of interest and 
action with the Irish. 

The troubles about religion had been increasing in England all 

1 In the year 1679, the time of the " Po- > The effects of this education did not al- 

piah Plot," the Duke of Ormond thus wrote ways prove so successful as in the Duke of 

to Sir Robert Southwell : — Ormond's case. Sir Phelim O'Neale, the 

" My father and mother lived and chief actor in Ulster in the Rebellion of 

died Papists, and only I, by God's merciful 1641, was also educated, by order of the 

providence, was educated in the Protestant Court of Wards, in the Protestant religion ; 

religion .... My brothers and sis- but he was no sooner out of wardship than 

ters, though they were not very many, were he renounced the Protestant religion, and 

very fruitful and very obstinate (they will embraced the Roman Catholic faith. " As 

call it constant) in their way. Their fruit- the Israelitish women in their songs cele- 

fulness hath spread into a large alliance, and brated David' s slaying of Goliath, so the Irish 

their obstinacy hath made it altogether Po- in their ballads sung the praises of Phelim, 

pish. It w 11 be no small Comfort to me if for bringing over the heretics from the orgies 

it had pleased God it had been otherwise." of Calvin, to hear the venerable Sacrifice of 

— The Duke of Ormond to Sir Rob' South- the Mass."— Lynch's "Alithinologia,"vol.ii., 

well. Carte's " Life of Ormond," vol. ii., p. 45. In Latin. Printed at St. Malo's, 


490. A. D. 1664. 


through the reign of Charles I., until at last, at the breaking out of 
the Civil War in 1640, these differences formed the symbol of con- 
test between the King and Parliament. As a natural consequence, 
almost, of the great Rebellion in England, followed the great Rebel- 
lion in Ireland ; and as, naturally, the old English and the Irish, 
who were united in points of religion, formed a common interest in 
favour of the King against the Parliament, whose principles as Puri- 
tan were most hostile to them. 

They now formed themselves into an organized body, called the 
Confederate Catholics of Ireland, with a Government consisting of 
a legislative House of Assembly, composed of the three estates of 
Prelates, Peers, and Representatives of the Commons, and an Ex- 
ecutive Council. In this Assembly, Colonel Walter Bagnal, by 
race and blood one of the new English, found himself united as a 
Roman Catholic, not merely with the old English, such as the Butlers, 
Barnewals, Plunkets, Nangles, Darcys, Esmondes, and others, but 
with the native Irish — the O'Moores, the O'Neills, the Kavanaghs, 
and others, whom his ancestors, about sixty years before, had been 
promoted and enriched for subduing. Colonel Walter Bagnal here 
sat as representative for the county of Carlow, and in the army of 
the Confederates had the command of a regiment of horse. It is 
not necessary to enter further into the history of this period, than 
to explain Colonel Walter Bagnal's conduct in reference to what is 
known as the Peace of '46, which formed a remarkable turning point 
in the affairs of Ireland. 

At this period (the year 1646), the Confederate Catholics of 
Ireland were in possession of a considerable military force, divided 
into four armies, styled after the different provinces where they were 
raised, and which they had chiefly to defend — the army of Ulster, 
ofMunster, of Leinster, and of Connaught. 

The king's affairs at the same period had taken a very unfavour- 
able turn in England, and his best hopes were now placed in ob- 
taining military aid from the Confederate Catholics of Ireland, with 
whom he was ready to conclude a peace, on the terms of their ad- 
vancing him a sum of £12,000 out of their treasury, and sending 
over 10,000 men to join his forces against the Parliament in Eng- 

The conduct of the negotiations for this peace between the King 
and the Confederate Catholics was entrusted, on the King's part, 
to Lord Ormond, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and to Commis- 
sioners from the Confederate Catholics on the other part ; and the 
negotiations had been dragging on slowly for two years, by reason 
of the Confederates demanding greater freedom for their religion 
than Lord Ormond thought it safe for the King to grant. They 
demanded a repeal of all penal laws passed since the reign of 
Henry VII. ; that their religion might be celebrated, in all its splen- 


dour, as freely as at Paris or Brussels; and further, that they should 
keep all the churches and monasteries that they had got possession 
of during the war, which included those over five-sixths of Ireland. 
Lord Ormond declined to be a party to a peace on such terms ; but 
the King, being resolved to get the aid of the Confederate forces at 
all hazards, sent over Lord Glamorgan to the Confederates at Kil- 
kenny, commissioned to conclude a secret treaty, granting them 
their terms, on condition of their sending over the men and money 
he demanded. 

An accident, however, exposed the whole of Glamorgan's secret 
treaty, and brought about a most complicated state of affairs. At 
the fight near Sligo, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam was 
slain, and the papers containing the terms of the secret treaty were 
seized among his baggage, and immediately printed and published by 
orders of the Parliament of England, to prejudice the King with the 
Puritans of England and Ireland. Lord Glamorgan being arrested 
in Dublin by Lord Ormond as for misusing the King's name, he de- 
fended himself by proving the authenticity of his commission, but, 
to relieve the King from the odium of making such concessions to 
the Roman Catholics, he produced another paper, called a defeasance, 
by which the King declared he would be no further bound than he 
might think fit. 

On being released, Lord Glamorgan went to Kilkenny, and as- 
sured the Confederate Assembly that the latter paper, whereby the 
King pretended not to bind himself to what he engaged to do for the 
Roman Catholics, was merely done by way of " blindation;" in other 
words, was intended to deceive the English Parliament, and not to 
dissolve his obligations entered into with the Confederates. 

The Council of the Confederates, who were extremely anxious for 
the conclusion of a treaty of peace, were content to accept Lord 
Glamorgan's promise that the King would fulfil all that he had un- 
dertaken as regarded the religious liberties of the Roman Catholics. 

They, therefore, instructed their Commissioners to conclude the 
treaty with Lord Ormond, which was, accordingly, signed at Dublin 
on the 28th of March, 1646, securing the civil rights of the Roman 
Catholics, but omitting all mention of their religious liberties, which 
had been the subject of Lord Glamorgan's articles. 

This proved extremely distasteful to Rinuccini, the Pope's 
Nuncio in Ireland, who had a very large party in the Assembly and 
throughout the country to support him. The Council, accordingly, 
became extremely anxious for their personal safety, and for the con- 
sequences that might result from proclaiming the peace, which had 
been suspended by agreement with Lord Ormond until the 30th of 
July, on which day it was proclaimed with all due ceremony in 
Dublin. No sooner did this occur, than the Prelates met in national 
Synod at Waterford, and on the 12th of August issued their decree 


declaring the Commissioners who had signed the peace, and all who 
should accept it, perjured. Foreseeing the danger they would be in 
when it came to be proclaimed in Kilkenny, the Council of the Con- 
federates induced Lord Ormond to proceed thither from Dublin on 
the 28th of August, with 1500 foot and 500 horse, " to countenance" 
this ceremony, which accordingly took place with all the splendour 
that the Lord Lieutenant's presence, with 2000 men, could give it. 
The Nuncio, however, and the party opposed to the peace, se- 
cretly sent orders to Owen O'Neill, then with the Ulster army near 
Roscrea, to march with all speed towards Dublin to intercept Lord 
Ormond's return, and, if possible, to make a prisoner of him. At 
first Lord Ormond could scarcely credit the intelligence, and cast 
about to ascertain the truth of it ; but, 

" Whilst he was considering what party to take, the Earl of Castle- 
haven came to him, with a full account of the design laid to intercept him, 
and that both O'Neill's and Preston's armies were on the march to cut off 
his retreat, so that he had not a moment's time to lose, and must inevitably 
be lost unless he marched immediately to Leighlin Bridge with his troops, 
and having there passed the Barrow, and got that river between him and 
the enemy, endeavoured by long marches to gain Dublin. There was 
neither room nor time for dispute, and the Marquess of Ormond immedi- 
ately joined his troops at Callan. Thence he dispatched orders to Sir 
Frederick Willoughby, who was still posted at Gowran Castle, to take up 
all the draught horses he could find in the plough, stables, or field, to put 
them into the waggons, and to march with all the forces as fast as possible 
to Leighlin Bridge, and possess himself of that pass, for they were all be- 
trayed, and O'Neill was advanced with his army into the barony of Bal- 
linakill, in the neighbourhood of Kilkenny .... When he came 
within three miles of Leighlin Bridge, he received advice that 100 men, 
under Colonel Walter Bagnal, were put into the fort at the Bridge end, and 
thereupon sent two officers to Bagnal, to know whether he might expect 
to find him a friend or an enemy. Bagnal returned a very civil answer, 
that the passage over the Bridge should be open, and that he might com- 
mand any accommodation that the Castle could afford.'" 

Colonel Bagnal's conduct on this occasion was, in fact, the sal- 
vation of Lord Ormond, who would have otherwise fallen into the 
hands of Owen O'Neill and his brave but ferocious* army, composed 
of the Ulster creaghts, then fresh from their triumph over the Scotch 
forces at Benburb ; but, being allowed a passage over Leighlin Bridge, 
he was enabled to reach Dublin in safety on the 30th of Sept. 1646. 

There now broke out an open schism in the Confederate Assem- 
bly, between the parties who supported the peace signed with Lord 

1 Carte's " Life of Ormond," vol. i. p. 582. they would treat him (when they caught 

> They " gave out that if the Lord Lieu- him) in a manner too scandalous to be men- 

tenantwouldnotadmitof Glamorgan's peace, timed:' — Carte's "Ormond," vol. i,,p. 581. 


Ormond, and those who adhered to the views of the Nuncio, who 
condemned it as beyond the powers of the Commissioners, and de- 
clared them and all who adhered to it " perjurious," as acting con- 
trary to the original oath of association, by which they were bound 
to secure their religious freedom. But the practical question now 
was, whether they should unite their forces with the King's, and thus 
together oppose the Parliament forces, which were everyday growing 
stronger in England, or, by rejecting the peace, run the hazard of 
having to meet them alone. The King was a prisoner in the bands of 
the Parliament. The Parliament ships were in the Bay of Dublin. 
Many of those under Lord Ormond's command were well inclined 
to surrender Dublin to the Parliament, in which event it was fore- 
seen by many that the forces of the Confederates would be un- 
equal to cope with the Parliament arms, and they had already am- 
ple evidence of what fate they might expect in the event of their 
being subdued, both Houses of Parliament having passed resolutions 
that they would not allow a toleration of their religion in any of the 
King's dominions, and had, by various acts and ordinances, confis- 
cated their lands, and assigned them for the payment of the expenses 
of the Irish war. 

These differences about the Peace of '46 gave rise to most tu- 
multuous debates in the Assembly, in which the party for rejecting 
the peace were the most numerous and powerful, and finally suc- 
ceeded. Colonel Walter Bagnal, however, supported the peace. 
He considered that the faith of the Confederates was pledged by the 
act of their plenipotentiaries in signing it, and spoke against rejecting 
it as if he hada full vision of the calamities impending over his country, 
his family, and himself. There is extant an account of these scenes 
by an eye-witness, who was himself a member of the Assembly. He 
contrasts their conduct at this period, when the Assembly had been 
new formed in an irregular manner, with their former grave deport- 
ment — saying that their clamorous disputations, and horrid confu- 
fusion of outcries of " I, I, No, No," were such as vexed the souls of 
some composed men, who had been witnesses, in former sittings, of 
their grave deportment ; for though the House, in her best of times (he 
admits), fell into heat, and was loud in her " I's and No's," yet now it 
had grown clean another thing. The Bishop of Leighlin, who always 
sat upon an eminent bench at the upper end of the House, could, 
with waving his hat, raise such a storm from the middle seats and 
towards the door, that nothing could be heard for a long time after 
but the repeated thunder of " I or No," or that name which he first 
dictated to them. 1 

1 P. 429, " Fragmentum Historicnm ; or, kingdom from the years 1642 to 1647." By 
the second and third books of the War of Richard Beltings, Esq. " Desiderata Cu- 
Ireland, containing the transactions in that riosaHib.," vol. ii. p. 429. 8vo. Dubl. 1772. 


Amid such scenes as these, Colonel Walter Bagnal, a " young 
man," the reporter adds, "who, to the nobleness of his birth, and 
plentifulness of his fortune, had added a great stock of valour and 
many excellent parts," spoke after this manner : — 

Colonel Waltek Bagnal' s Speech. 

"Me. Plunket, — When I consider the weight and importance of the 
matter now agitated, I do not wonder that we have spent so many days 

in the debate of it But when I observed men's reasons are 

rather cried down than convinced, and that it is an impetuous storm, not 
a natural tide, that raises the sea of our passions to so exorbitant a height, 
I must confess I look upon it as a sad presage of the many miseries (if 
God prevent them not) which will befall us and our posterity. 

" For I appeal to the consciences of all that hear me, if, when we were 
first compelled (for compelled we were) for safety of our lives and for- 
tunes, and the defence of our religion, and our King's right, to take up 
arms, we had then, while yet his Majesty was in power, been offered less 
advantageous concessions, we had not joyfully accepted them ; and I can- 
not see that improvement in our condition which sh a make us less willing 
to acquiesce. 

" We have plenty of arms, you will say, which then we wanted; our 
armies are formed, and our affairs directed by a constant way of govern- 
ment But when we shall consider that the party in 

the Pari' of Eng d , which hath vowed the extirpation of our religion, and 
was then seconded but by the confused clamours of the multitude at Lon- 
don, hath armies at present, and the royal fleet at their command ; that 
they who were then in their down, and w d scarce adventure to hop out 
of their nests, do now fly all England over, we cannot be so partial to our- 
selves as to think our state so much improved beyond theirs, that we 
should now reject those conditions, which we would cheerfully have em- 
braced at first. 

"... But now, Mr. Plunket, I shall beg leave of the House to 
recede from the ordinary custom, and to apply my speech to the prelates. 
My Lords, there was a time when our ancestors, at the peril of their for- 
tunes, and with the danger of their persons, sheltered some of you and 
your predecessors from the severity of the laws. They were no niggardly 
sharers with you in your wants ; and it cannot be said that the splendour 
of your present condition hath added anything to the sincere and filial re- 
verence which was then paid you. We, their posterity, have with our 
blood, and the expense of our substance, asserted this advantage you have 
over them, and redeemed the exercise of your function from the penalties 
of the law, and your persons from the persecution to which they were 

" We are upon the brink of a formidable precipice — reach forth your 
hand to pull us back; your zeal for the house of God will be thought no 
way less fervent, that you preserved the Irish nation; and your judgment 
will not suffer for the attempt, when you give over upon better informa- 
tion. Rescue us, we beseech you, from those imminent miseries that en- 
viron us visibly. Grant somewhat to the memory of our forefathers, and 


to the affection we bear yourselves ; let this request find favour with you, 
made to prevent the violation of publick faith, and to keep the devouring 
sword from the throats of our wives and our children." 1 

But all appeals were vain. The Nuncio's party were too fixed 
in their purpose to recede, and the peace was rejected. 2 

These solemn words of Colonel Walter Bagnal's have a yet deeper 
significance, when it is remembered that the whole audience he ad- 
dressed were shortly afterwards visited with the woes he had predicted, 
and thus endeavoured, but in vain, to avert. It would almost seem as 
if he saw, like as in a vision, how the members of this great Assembly, 
comprising the most ancient of the nobility and landed gentry and 
prelates of the Roman Catholic Church of Ireland, were to be dis- 
persed and driven as houseless wanderers into foreign lands ; while his 
concluding words presaged his own worse fate, of being put to a cruel 
death by his enemies, while his wife sank, bereft of reason and bro- 
ken-hearted, into the same grave, leaving their children to the mercy 
of those that had made them beggars and orphans. 

These debates took place in Nov., 1646. In Jan., 1649, the King 
was beheaded. In Aug. of the same year Cromwell landed, and in 
March, 1650, Kilkenny surrendered, after a most gallant defence by 
Sir Walter Butler. The Leinster forces of the Irish, in which Sir 
Walter Bagnal had the command of a regiment of horse, held out 
for two years longer, and, finally, came in upon articles which were 
completed at Kilkenny on the 12th of May, 1652. The Delegates 
named by the Earl of Westmeath, Commander-in-Chief of the 
Leinster forces, to meet the Commissioners appointed by Edmund 
Ludlow, the Commander-in-Chief of the Parliament Army (among 
whom were Colonel Daniel Axtell, Colonel Richard Lawrence, Co- 
lonel Henry Prittie), were Sir Walter Dongan, Bart., Commissary- 
General of the Irish Horse ; Lewis Dempsy, Lord Viscount Clan- 
malier ; Sir Robert Talbot, Bart. ; Sir Richard Barnewall, Bart. ; 
Colonel Walter Bagnal ; Colonel Lewis Moore ; and Thos. Terrill, 

The terms agreed upon were, that the Leinster forces should lay 
down their arms on the 12th of June following, except that each 
colonel of horse was to have allowed five horses and three cases 
of pistols, and other officers according to the measure specified in 
the first of the articles. 

By the second article, the officers, except such as were there- 
after excepted, were to have pardon for life and protection for them, 
selves and for their personal estate, with liberty, if they should not 
be willing to submit to such terms as the Parliament might hereafter 
impose, to retire within three months into any foreign state in amity 
with England. But by the seventh article (which was the excep- 

i " Fragmentum Historicum," &c, p. 440. 2 Id., p. 444. 


tion above referred to, and under which the Parliament leaders justi- 
fied their act of putting Colonel Walter Bagnal to death), the benefit 
of the articles was not to extend to the exception of any person be- 
ing questioned according to the due course of law, Avho had a hand 
in any of the murders that were committed upon the English or 
Protestants of Ireland, during the first year of the war. And this 
the English Commissioners of the Parliament forces further quali- 
fied by declaring that the exception should not extend to question- 
ing the acts of soldiers in arms against any of the field forces of 
England, or others entertained in public pay in the defence of any 
castles on behalf of the English. 1 

That Colonel Bagnal was incapable of murder in any ordinary 
sense of the word, is evident from his birth, his breeding, and noble 
character, as also from his fearlessly intrusting himself into the 
hands of the English army, an act which shows that he was con- 
scious of no such crime. And the Commissioners of Government 
gave subsequent testimony to the cruelty he met with, by a certain 
remorse, as exhibited in their dealings with his son, to whom they 
were less severe than others of like condition, — yet for a charge of 
murder Colonel Walter Bagnal was detained a prisoner in Kilkenny, 
by the order of the Commissioners of Parliament. 

It is by no means improbable that in an attack on some castle 
during the first year of the war, some of the garrison may have been 
killed while Colonel Walter Bagnal was in command of the attack- 
ing forces. 

In many instances gentlemen assembled their English tenants, 
armed them, and stood upon their defence, endeavouring to hold out 
until the King's regular forces should be able to join them, and they 
might assume the offensive. 

As these armed retainers would not be in the pay of the state 
(though to all intents and purposes engaged in the war), if any of 
them happened unfortunately to be killed in defence of their post, 
the commanding officer of the Irish force would, of course, come 
within the terms of the seventh article, and be liable to suffer death. 
In the case of Colonel Charles M'Carthy Reagh, a prisoner of war 
trying to escape, in the first year of the war, from a sentinel belong- 
ing to the forces under Colonel McCarthy's command, endeavoured 
to wrest his musket from the hands of the soldier, who, in the 
struggle, shot the man. Colonel M'Carty was tried under the ar- 
ticle for murder. 

Fortunately, Colonel M'Carty was not actually present on the 
spot, or he had forfeited his life as guilty of murder. Lord Mus- 
kerry was tried on a similar charge, and was acquitted. Sir Kichard 

i Books of the Council for the Affairs of Ireland. Dublin Castle. 


Everard, for some like act, was found guilty, but his sentence was 
changed to exile. 

Colonel Walter Bagnal, however, being, unfortunately, first 
tried when there Was a demand for victims, met harder measures, 
and could find no mercy. 

During the period of his imprisonment he seems to have endured 
very harsh treatment from Colonel Axtell, Governor of Kilkenny, 
whose severity is well known. He denied him, at one period, not 
only the access of his friends, but even sufficient food for his wants. 
Such rigour arose, perhaps, from some attempt at rescue, of which, 
however, there is no mention in any of the letters about to be cited, 
but the date coincides with the publishing the Act of Proscription, 
under which the high courts of justice proceeded. 

The first letter is dated 4th of September, and is as follows : — 

" Comm" for the Affairs of Irel d , to Colonel Axtell. 

" Tredagh, 4 th Sep., 1652. 

" Sir, — We have rec* a PeticSn from Cott "Walter Bagnall desiring his 
wants and present condition to be taken into consideration. "Wee desire 
you to take especiall Care y' there may be some effectual course taken y' 
he do not perish for want of relief; and y* out of the profitts of his estate 
and (if that cannot be timely gotten) then you cause soe much as you shall 
judge necessary to be paid out of y' Treasury to y* end soe that the same 
exceed not 20s. per week. This wee commend to your care, and your order 
to the Treasurer in writing shall be his warrant for the payment there- 

"Your &c." 

Though this letter may have obtained for Sir Walter Bagnal 
better treatment, in the way of food, the Commissioners were again 
obliged to interfere to obtain for him the access of his friends. 

Same to Same. 

"Tredagh, 11 Sep., 1652. 

" SiB, — Since our last, touching Colonel Walter Bagnall, we received 
another petition from him, complaining that he is of late deprived the con- 
versation of any friend. "We do not know what extraordinary reason there 
may be for it, and, therefore, shall not give any positive direction in it. 
But we do think fitt, so far as may consist with the safe keeping of him, 
all civility should be shewn him, and that his friends may be admitted to 
him, Provided it be with your Licence, and that they come in such num- 
ber and at such times as you shall think fitt, and that no discourse pass 

1 Books of the Council for the Affairs of Ireland. Dublin Castle. 


between but in the presence and hearing of their keepers, and that in Eng- 
lish. "With some such caution these civilities (we suppose) may be shewed 
with safety. But we leave it to your discretion upon the place, and re- 

" Your &c." 

In the month of October, 1652, a high court of justice was set 
up at Kilkenny, consisting of officers of the army, with Sir Gerard 
Lowther, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, as President, for trial 
of Sir Walter Bagnal and other prisoners, at which Sir Walter was 
brought to trial on a charge of murder. He pleaded that he was one 
of the managers of the Articles of Kilkenny (or Leinster Articles), 
and remained as a hostage for the due performance of them, and 
claimed his privilege, as a hostage, to be free from trial. On refe- 
rence, however, to the Commissioners of Parliament for the Affairs 
of Ireland, who were then at Kilkenny Castle, on a tour through the 
Parliament quarters, the plea was rejected, and, the trial proceeding, 
he was found guilty, and suffered death. 1 

Colonel Walter being now dead, and the period of the Common- 
wealth settlement arrived, the barony of Idrone, with the rest of 
the lands of Ireland, passed to new lords and under new laws. 

Within a few weeks after the breaking out of the Irish Rebel- 
lion, the leaders of the Parliamentary party in England had already 
arranged a scheme for taking the management of the suppression of it 
out of the hands of the King, whom theyjustly suspected of intrigues 
against them in that country, suspended only, not extinguished 
by the death of Lord Strafford, whose real crime was the raising of 
forces in Ireland, intended to be used against the Puritans in Eng- 

If an army were to be raised in the ordinary way, for putting 
down the Irish rebels, the King, as Captain-General, would have the 
officering and commanding of it, and would, sooner or later, use it, 
as Lord Strafford intended to use the ten thousand men he raised 
in Ireland, nominally to be employed against the King's rebels in 
Scotland, but really against the Parliament. 

The Parliamentary leaders, therefore, compelled the King to 
assent to a scheme, afterwards embodied in an Act of Parliament, 
by which funds were to be raised by a voluntary subscription through- 
out England, for the equipping and paying a private army, for the 
putting down the rebellion, of which army, a committee of the sub- 
scribers (called adventurers) were to have the control, the King hav- 
ing nothing to say to it, except to furnish the officers (who were to 
be nominated by the committee) with commissions. The moneys to 
be thus raised, instead of being paid into the King's exchequer, were 

1 There seems to be no report or memorial of tbia trial remaining. 


to be paid to the committee, and the " ventures" thus made were to 
be satisfied out of the rebels' lands in Ireland " whenever the lords 
and Commons of the realm of England should in Parliament by or- 
der declare that the rebels were subdued, and the rebellion appeased 
and ended." For the satisfying of the adventurers in this scheme, 
they set aside, by anticipation, 2,500,000 acres, which divers well- 
affected persons foresaw would be confiscated ; one-fourth of the 
quantity (625,000 acres) to be taken out of each of the four pro- 
vinces. These were to be given out at such easy rates that the ad- 
venturers were to be satisfied in lands, at the rate of 12*. per 
Irish acre in Leinster ; 8s. per acre in Munster ; 6*. per acre in Con- 
naught ; and 4s. per acre in Ulster, then rated lowest. 

And for £200 advanced, any man would be made lord of a ma- 
nor of 1000 acres Irish (1620 acres statute or English measure), 
in Ulster ; for £300 he was to obtain the like in Connaught ; for 
£450, in Munster ; for £600, in Leinster. 

(To be continued.) 


teenth century, and are found in the walls of castles as well as of 
churches. They are known amongst the peasantry of the southern 
counties by the name of " Sheela-ni-giggs." The one under review 
is clearly as old as either of the two former effigies. The face is evi- 
dently meant to be grotesque or laughing, a peculiarity of expres- 
sion universally attempted to be carried out by the sculptor in 
works of this type, no matter how recent may be their date. This 
figure is entirely nude, except the shoulders, which are covered by the 
short rheno or secular dress, already alluded to, a garment forbidden 
to be used by the early Irish ecclesiastics, unless, as we see in the 
former effigy, Fig. 2., it was associated with the skirt of the tunic. 
The head of this figure also exhibits what I suppose to be the Irish 
form of tonsure, so that the female ecclesiastics of the early Irish 
church, without doubt, adopted this distinction, as well the male 
community, as we read in " Marianus Scotus." 1 

From the foregoing inquiry, therefore, it would appear that those 
effigies which represented the early Irish ecclesiastical dress and 
tonsure (the latter having been condemned at the close of the 
seventh century) had, at the close of the eighth century, lost the 
respect and veneration in which they had once been held ; and when 
the church on the White Island was a-constructing at that pe- 
riod, possibly out of the ruins of a former edifice, the ecclesiastics, 
who had then given up the use of the ancient tonsure as an " here- 
tical and damnable error," mutilated those effigies as we see them, 
and applied them to the degraded but useful purpose of mere build- 
ing materials. 2 


{Continued from page 44.) 


It was, in fact, a project for a second conquest of Ireland by plan- 
tation, to be carried on like the first, as a private adventure by 
private men, sanctioned and encouraged by the Parliament. The 
likeness did not fail to strike those familiar with the story of Ireland ; 
and the Speaker of the house of Commons, Sir John Bulstrode 
Whitelock, at the conference between the Lords and Commons, on 

i Vide Harris' " Ware," vol. ii., p. 240. by the Rev. William Reeves, D. U., pp 4 7 

" Vidi: "Ailaniriani Vita St. Columbre," K50, 351. 


the 13th of February, 1641-2, in the conclusion of his speech, re- 
commending the scheme to the Lords by order of the House of Com- 
mons, thus adverts to the similarity : — 

"William the Conqueror gave leave to 12 knights to enter Wales, and 
what lands they could gain there, to keep and plant themselves in it. From 
one of these descended Richard, ' the strongboe,' Earl of Chepstow, who, 
in Henry the Second's time, made the first conquest, and with such as de- 
sired to plant themselves in Ireland. Giraldus Cambrensis tells us that, 
according to old prophecies long current in Ireland, this shall continue, with 
frequent battles, numerous murders, and a contest so prolonged that it shall 
hardly be completed by the day of judgment. These propositions (added 
the Speaker) will, I hope, give a period to that prophecy, and as the first 
conquest was begun by plantation, so a happy and perfect establishment 
thereof and of the true religion may be made by a like noble plantation, 
to which these propositions tend, and, by command of the House of Com- 
mons, I present them for your approval." 

The following is the passage in full from Giraldus : — 

" The Irish have four national Prophets, Moling, Brechan, Patrick, and 
Columbkill (whose works, written in the Irish tongue, are to this day ex- 
tant among them), who, speaking of the conquest of Ireland, all agree that 
it will be stained by frequent battles, by numerous murders, and a con- 
test continued to late ages [crebris conflictibus longoque certamine per 
multa in posterum tempora multis caedibus foedaturum], but in the end, a 
little only before the day of Judgment, they promised complete conquest 
of the island to the people of England, and to have it encastled [' incastel- 
latum'] from sea to sea. And though the English may suffer many over- 
throws in their wars there (and according to Brechan, all the English are 
to be routed by a certain King to come from St. Patrick's mountains, who 
on a Sunday night is to break into a fortress in the woody parts of Ophai- 
ley), yet they all agree in asserting that they shall continually keep pos- 
session of the eastern coast." — (Hibernia Expugnala, in Holinshed, ch. 
33, p. 807.) 

This shows that, long before the invasion, it was foreseen by all 
those who were endued with a little political sagacity (which in early 
times is never held in any account by the people, unless palmed 
upon them as the prediction of some inspired prophet), that it was 
the fate of Ireland to be subjected to any nation, that, like the Ro- 
mans or the English, had framed their institutions and political dis- 
cipline to the purpose of conquest and plantation. It is impossible 
for the clan or family system, Avith its social equality, political free- 
dom, and internal broils, to stand the shock of a people compacted 
on the military or feudal system, bound together in defence of their 
conquests against the nations they have invaded and despoiled, cling- 
in"' together, as the Celtic narrators describe it, "like the scales on 
the back of the old dragon." 

A brigade of 5000 foot and 500 horse, designed for Munster, of 


which Lord Wharton was to have the command, was raised by the 
adventurers, 1 but the civil war having burst forth in England by the 
King's displaying the Royal Standard at Nottingham, on the 23rd 
August, 1642, the King refused to grant the commissions for the 
officers, fearing that these forces would be used against himself, as 
in fact happened, these very troops having marched from Bristol, 
where they were delayed for want of their commissions, to the bat- 
tle of Edgehill, where they contributed to his defeat. 

The military part of this scheme thus failed, but the plan of 
pledging the lands to be conquered in Ireland for moneys to be ad- 
vanced to Parliament, sometimes to relieve " the gasping condition" 
of the Protestants there, but oftener to carry on the war against the 
King in England, was continually extended. The sums brought in, 
however, did not answer the expectations entertained. In hopes to 
induce merchants and traders, foreign Protestants as well as English, 
to embark in this speculation, the Parliament of England offered the 
principal sea-port towns in Ireland for sale, — Limerick, with 12,000 
acres contiguous, for £30,000, and a rent of £625 payable to the 
state; Waterford, with 1500 acres contiguous, at the same rate; 
Galway, with 10,000 acres, for £7500 and a rent of £520 ; Wex- 
ford, with 6000 acres, for £500 and a rent of £156 4s. 4g?. s But 
this offer, tempting though it might sound, found no bidders. The 
towns were still in possession of the ancient inhabitants, and mer- 
chants, of all others, are least inclined to buy the bear's skin before 
the bear be dead. 

The plantation scheme under the Adventurers' Acts was, there- 
fore, likely to be a failure, unless some further plan were adopted. 
During the whole ten years, from 1642 to 1652, only £360,000 had 
been brought in on the security of lands in Ireland. At the end of 
the war in 1652, the charge for the army in Ireland had reached 
£30,000 per month, leviable off cattle and tillage lands. But such 
was the devastation that had been made of the stock of the coun- 
try by the wars, and so few were the inhabitants, that the assess- 
ment was double the best improved rents which the lands (paying 
assessment) yielded in time of peace. To put an end to this accru- 
ing charge for the pay of the army, and to satisfy the soldiers' ar- 
rears, the Parliament, with the consent of the officers, determined 
to set out lands to the army, at the same rate as the adventurers. 
But when they began to reflect on the danger of setting down some 
thousands of men dispersedly amongst a nation of dispossessed pro- 
prietors and their families, rendered desperate by loss of their an- 
cient inheritances, they had to plan some scheme to provide for their 

It has been said that there is no more dangerous design a con- 

1 Rushworth's " Collections," vol. iv. p. 776- 2 Scobell*s Acts and Ordinances. 


queror can entertain than to confiscate a nation's lands, for (as has 
been lately remarked upon a similar project) " it is never safe to con- 
fiscate a man's lands unless you are prepared to take his life." 1 
Now whatever may have been the fury of the Puritans in the early 
days of the Rebellion, when they talked (like Antiochus concerning 
Jerusalem 2 ) of making Ireland the common burying-place of the 
Irish, 3 they had come in the course of ten years to milder and hu- 
maner measures. 

They considered that " extirpations in the abstract are cruel- 
ties," 4 and they determined to reconcile a universal confiscation with 
the safety of the new plantation. 

On the 12th of August, 1652, there passed the Parliament of 
England an Act of Proscription, which was ordered by the Com- 
missioners of Government to be proclaimed through every precinct 
in Ireland, "with beat of drumme and sound of trumpett," declar- 
ing that it was not the intention of Parliament to extirpate that 
whole nation, but that the lands of all the Irish were forfeited on 
account of the national rebellion, and announcing to those who were 
not included in the sentence of death or exile, denounced against 
various classes or categories of persons by the Act, that they should 
be allowed certain portions of land for their support, wherever the 
Parliament of England, in order to the more effectual settlement of 
the peace of the nation, should think fit to appoint. 5 

On the 26th of Sept., in the following year, they learned their 
fate. All the lands of the Irish in Ulster, Munster, and Leinster, 
were to be set out by lot between the adventurers and the officers 
and soldiers of Cromwell's army, and the Irish were to withdraw by 
the 1st of May, 1654, into Connaught, which " the Parliament of 
England," so the Act declared, " had reserved for the habitation of 
all the Irish nation not excepted by the Act." Here enclosed on 
one side by the Shannon, and on the other by the sea, shut up as it 
were in an island, which was made further secure by being encir- 
cled with a belt of English military settlers four miles wide round 
the whole province — the Irish, under pain of death, were to remain 

> Speech of Sir James Graham, Bait., on cer of Quality for leaving the Irish wars, 

the occasion of the debate in Parliament con- declaring the design now on foot to reconcile 

cerning the confiscation of Ouile, 21st May, Irish aud English, and expelling the Scots, 

158. to bring their Popish forces against the Par- 

2 2 Maccabees, ix. 4. liament," p. 10. Small 4to. London (no 

3 "24 th Reason. Some have directly date, but about 1643). 

preached for mercy to be shewed to those * " Nevertheless, since extirpations are 

merciless Irish rebels, as Archdeacon Buck- cruelty in the abstract .... there 

ley and the Bishop of Meath, who said in a must be a means found out to preserve that 

sermon before the state that four sorts of people, and make them serviceable to the 

them sh d be saved : 1". Children. 2 d . Government." — Sir R. Coxe's " History of 

Women. 3 d . Labourers. 4' 1 '. All that re- Ireland." Folio, 1 089. Preface. 

sist not, yet women are worse than men." 5 Scobell's ''Acts and Ordinances of the 

ii An Apology made by an English OfiS- Parliament of England." 


for ever impounded, in order that the English might plant and dwell 
in the rest of Ireland in security. 1 The Parliament, however, ex- 
cepted the four counties of Dublin, Kildare, Cork, and Carlow from 
being set out to the adventurers and soldiers, and reserved them 
for the purpose of paying public debts and gratifying eminent friends 
of the republican cause. 2 

Under the terms of the great Act of Proscription, of 12th 
August, 1652, entitled, " Ordinance for the settling of Ireland," the 
Earl of Ormond and a long list of the most ancient nobility and 
gentry were excepted from pardon of life or estate. And the only 
exemption for the rest of the nation from forfeiture or transplan- 
tation was for those who should be able to prove their " constant good 
affection" during the whole period of the war to the Parliament of 
England. It was not enough to have done nothing, and to have 
remained quiet ; each individual was presumed to be guilty, and he 
must prove not merely his innocence, but, "by the series of his car- 
riages," his distaste for the proceedings of his countrymen, and set 
forth his acts of adhesion to the Parliament of England. He might 
even prove " the manifestation of much good affection," and yet not 
escape, which was only to be allowed for the manifestation of a " con- 
stant good affection." Numbers of Protestants, being Royalists, 
were within this description of guilt, and, of course, forfeited; but 
they were permitted to compound for their estates as delinquent 
Protestants. The ancient English gentry in Ireland, who were, for 
the most part, Roman Catholic, also forfeited their estates, but for 
them there was no compounding, and they and their families had all 
to transplant to Connaught. 

Thus, John Luttrell (ancestor of the Luttrells, Lords Carhamp- 
ton), the owner, in 1652, of the beautiful estate of Luttrellstown, 3 
adjoining the Phoenix Park, Dublin, which he inherited from some of 
the Luttrells who came in with the Conquest, got liberty, before the 
transplantation of the Irish was finally arranged, to plough and rent, 
as tenant to the State, part of his former property, and, while doing 
so, to have the stables on the outer wall to occupy and inhabit, Co- 
lonel Hewson occupying the mansion-house and yard as a garrison. 
On the 30th September, 1654, Mr. Luttrell was dispensed with 

1 " This province of Connaught and O. of risons, as, namely, Limricke, Galway, Ath- 
Clare for their nattural and artificial strength lone, Jamestown, the forts of Slego and Bel- 
are worth the noting, being altogether envi- leek in the O. of Jlayo (with many other 
roned on the west and south-west, part garrisons of lesser moment, and of no small 
thereof by the vast ocean, and almost en- strength), that sh J the Irish at any time ap- 
compassed on the east and north-east part pear to stir in the least, it were no less than 
thereof in the whole length from north to wilfully to expose themselves to immediate 

south, for the space of 140 miles, or there- slaughter and the mercy of the sword." 

aboutswith the great and, for the most part, " Present State of Ireland." P. 67. London. 

impassable River Shannon, except by boat 12mo. 1C73. 

or bridge. And on all sides parts of the 2 Id., ib. 

s d province so beset with mightie strong gar- s Purchased from the late Lord Car- 

from transplantation till the 1st of December following, " in regard 
his whole livelihood and his family's depends on the improving that 
crop of corn that is now in taking oft* the ground." When the 
limit of his stay was out, he took his solitary way to Connaught, 
having obtained, through the mercy of the Council Boaril, that his 
wife and children might be spared the calamitous winter journey to 
that place of banishment. The stay of his wife appears to have been 
limited to the early spring, for on the 18 th of May she obtained the 
following order : — 

"18th May, 1655. 

" Jane Luttrell, her husband being already transplanted into Connaught, 
and forasmuch as she hathe a great charge of children and stock, which are 
not yet in a condition to travel, is dispensed from Transplantation till 20th 
June next." 1 

For it must not be supposed that it was the Mere Irish only that 
were removed. On the contrary, the common people being useful 
as tenants and labourers, were sheltered by the officers and soldiers. 
It was the proprietors that were especially compelled to transplant. 
Of these, the old English were in possession of the best estates and 
finesthouses, which were, of course, necessaryfor the accommodation 
of the new English planters. The blood of the first conquest, 
the Fitzgeralds, the Butlers, the Burkes, the Plunkets, Talbot*, 
Tuites, Daltons, had now to give place to a new swarm from the 
old hive, and to taste a worse bitterness at the hands of their own 
countrymen than the Milesian Irish in the days of the early inva- 
ders ; for a conquest by plantation in a country in its pristine state, 
where commerce is not extensive, nor land accurately appropriated 
into demesnes, is rather a contest for empire and followers than for 
house and property. But plantations in a country already full, as 
Bacon remarks, are accompanied by " displantations," or (as he 
elsewhere calls them) " the displanting of ancient generations," and 
are rather, he says, extirpations than plantations. 2 They entail con- 
sequences that afflict for centuries. It may be thought, perhaps, 
that the old gentry might be spared a portion of their estates, or be 
let to live (as many of their wives and children got liberty to do for 
a time, while watching their last crop) in the stables and offices, or 
on the charity of some of their former tenants (as not a few contrived 
still to do both after these forfeitures and those of 1688). 3 

hampton about sixty years ago, by the father others; for else it is rather an extirpation 

of Colonel White, the present owner, and by than a plantation." — " Essays," xxxiii. — 

him called Woodlands. " Of Plantations." 

' "Orders of the Council for the Affairs of 3 " 8 th Aug', 1 G59 —Whereas James 

Ireland." State Paper Office, Dublin. Byrne hath by some of the Justices of the 

•" Plantations are amongst ancient pri- Peace been lately apprehended in the C° of 

mitive and beroical works. . . . Hike Wieklow, being a vagrant person, and re- 

a plantation in a pure soil, where people are turned thither without lycense out of the C° 

not to be displanted to the end to plant in of Gal war, to which place he was divers 


But there was a very good answer to show the necessity of their 
transplanting. In the first place, there would be no comfort for the 
new planter, who would be troubled with the contemplation of their 

" The souldiers, adventurers, and other Protestant planters would 
hardly be encouraged to settle themselves on their lands, and plant them 
with English (says Colonel Lawrence), if, every time when he comes to see 
his lands, the ancient Irish proprietor shall salute him upon it with a sad 
story of his suffering and hard usage, to have his inheritance taken from 
him and given to other men. Nay, the posterity of that Irishman shall 
hardly ever pass by the Englishman's dwelling, without cursing him and 
his successors (in their hearts), and wishing for time to recover their own 
again." 1 

In addition to which, there was the danger to be apprehended 
from their ill-will : — 

" Besides, if any Englishmen were so bad natured, as they could bear 
their murmurings and complainings, yet few of them (after they come to 
discern their danger, and the hazard of all their costs and improvements 
upon their waste lands) would be so stupid as to continue the hazard of 
their persons and families, and their posterities and estates, upon a place 
so near that neighbourhood, that (upon principles) were bound to hate 
and contrive the ruin of him and his while he lived there." 2 

But though the gentry, with their wives and daughters, for 
the ease of mind and security of the new English " proprietors," 
were especially required to transplant, the common Irish were not 
exempt. In the Act of Parliament there was an exception made 
of husbandmen, artificers, labourers, and those that had no land or 
goods to the value often pounds ; yet lessees were considered " pro- 

ycarssince transplanted, and, as he alledges, ' " The Great Interest of England in the 
came to look aftersome' gratuityes from some Well-planting of Ireland with English Pro- 
of that County who were formerly his te- testants." p. 24. 8vo. London. 1658. 
nants and acquaintants, and now poore la- % By an Ordinance of Parliament (forthe 
homing people there. Whereas likewise it Attainder of theRebels in Ireland) passedin 
appeareth by his own confession y' hee was 1656, it appears, that " the Child", grand- 
a Lieutenant Colonel under Hugh M c Phe- child", brothers, nephews, uncles, and next 
lim Byrne, a Lieutenant General for the pretended heirs, and active kindred of the 
Iiebels, and being vehemently suspected to forfeiting proprietors, having no visible 
have eome into those parts upon some do- means of livelihood, but living only and cosh- 
signe to disturbe the publique peace and to ering upon the common sort of people, who 
promote the designes of the Common Enemy, were the tenants or followers of their fami- 
Ordered that the Justices of Peace of the C° lies," were still lingering near the ancient 
of Dublin or any of them do give speedy lands, " waiting an opportunity (as may be 
warrant for y" committal of y e s d Byrne unto justly supposed) to massacre the English 
y e County goal att Kilmainham, there tore- who, as Adventurers, Soldiers, or their te- 
main until he bo further proceeded against nants, are set down to plant upon these eft- 
according to Law. tates, " — they were therefore within 6 months 

"Dated at Dublin, 8 Aug', 1659. totransplanttoConnaught,or under penalty, 
"Tnos. Herbert, in default, of being transported to the Plan- 
Secretary." tations in America. — Scobell's " Acts and. 

*• Orders of Council for (be Affs. of 111." Ordinances." 


prietors," and as " those that had borne arms," (or " swordmen," as 
the other great qualification was familiarly styled), were not exempt, 
and as this term was held to include any that had kept guard or 
attended muster even by compulsion ; there were scarce any that 
were not transplantable ; for during ten years the Confederates had 
their established government, and their armies over three-fourths of 

This will account for the extreme depopulation of many parts of 
Ireland, as, for instance, of the county of Tipperary, where Dr. 
Petty says that the reason he made use of Lord Strafford's survey of 
that county, taken in the year 1639, was that the country had be- 
come so uninhabited and waste, by means of the transplantation, that 
it would be impossible to find mearers to do it tolerably well. 1 Sub- 
sequently there was an order made for sending back four fit and 
knowing persons of the barony of Eliogarty, from Connaught, to 
attend the surveyors, and show the bounds of the lands to be ad- 
measured in that barony, as there was no inhabitant of the Irish 
nation left that knew the country. 2 

A similar effect seems to have been produced in the county of 
Meath ; a new race occupied it ; the old, the native race, were all 
swept away. 

In Easter Term, 1659, the Court of Exchequer ordered a levy 
of £10 1*., arrear of excise due in 1653, by the barony of Slane, to 
be levied off the inhabitants, who thereupon came in and prayed a 
discharge, stating that those that ought to have paid the same " are 
all either transplanted, gone beyond sea, or dead," and " the present 
inhabitants are soldiers, who, with their tenants, came into the ba- 
rony since 1653." 3 

But perhaps the best evidence of the desolation and depopula- 
tion was the increase of the wolves, which had come to such num- 
bers, from having the country to themselves, that they destroyed 
the flocks and herds, and were found even preying on young orphan 
children, 4 of whom multitudes were wandering about ; and, to get rid 
of this pest, days were appointed, by public authority, for the diffe- 
rent baronies near Dublin, to meet to hunt them, and lands were 
leased by the State in the neighbourhood of Dublin under conditions 
of keeping a pack of wolf-hounds, part of the rent to be discounted 
in wolves' heads at five pounds for every " dogge wolfe" killed, 

' " History of the Down Survey," by Dr. Dublin Castle. 
W. Petty. A. D. 1655-6. By Thomas A. 3 " Orders ofthe Revenue Side of the Ex- 

Larcom, F. R. S., Major of Royal Engineers. chequer," late Chief Remembrancer's Office. 
P. 60. 4to. " Irish Archceol. Soc. Publica- 4 Order of Commissioners for Affairs of 

tions." Dublin. 1851. Ireland,12th May, 1653. — Hardiman's " Iar 

2 "Order of Council for the Affairs of Ire- Connaught," p. 181. Irish Archaeological 

land." 20th Dec, 1654. State Paper Office, Soc. Publications. 


and so in proportion for she wolves and cubs. 1 And deer toil were 
brought over at the public charge, and kept in the public store for 
setting up while driving the woods with hounds and horn for these 
destructive beasts of prey. 2 

The barony of Idrone, which had been purchased by Dudleigh 
Bagnal from Sir George Carew, about sixty years before the break- 
ing out of the Rebellion of 1641, belonged, at the latter period, to 
Colonel Walter Bagnal. It has been already mentioned that Sir 
Peter Carew confirmed the chief gentlemen of the Kavanaghs in the 
lands he found them possessed of at the time he recovered the ba- 
rony under the decree of the Council. But, subject to those estates, 
which seem to have been granted to the Irish in tail, the entire ba- 
rony, that is to say Idrone East, belonged to Colonel Bagnal. 

In 1639 or 1640 there was an account taken, by order of Lord 
Strafford, of all the King's tenants in the four provinces of Ireland, 
for the purpose, it would seem, of raising money, for fines for aliening 
without license. The following are the estates of Colonel Walter 
Bagnal, as they appear in the books of the King's tenants for the 
county of Carlow : 3 — 

Walter Bagnal, Esq., tenant of the manor, town, and lands of 
Ballymone, containing one mart land ; Ballylowe, half mart land ; 
Ouldtown, half mart land ; Barduffne, half mart land ; Castlebury 
and Donleckney, one and a half mart land ; GleadufFe, Killcrutt, 
Rathballyffolane, alias Ballyfullane and Knockballinrahine, two 
marts and six parts of one mart land ; Aghde, one mart; Bath- 
wheat, two parts of one mart land ; Kilkuocke, one mart ; Orchard, 

1 " 11 March, 1652-3. — Lease to Capt" out of the s d yearly allowance or salary of 

Ed. Piers of all the forfe 11 lands and tithes in £100, for every wolf's head so falling short 

the bary of Dunboyne in the C" ofMeath(5 the sum of £5, and for every foxe's head 5s." 

miles north of Dublin) at the sum of £543, — '' Orders of Council for Affairs of Ireland." 
for five years from 1 May, 1653, on the 2 Th« Israelites were warned not to kill 

terms of his keeping up a hunting establish- all the Canaanites all at once or too sud- 

ment for killing wolves and foxes. He was denly, for fear of the increase of wild beasts 

to maintain three wolf dogs, two English of prey. — "When the Lord thy God shall 

mastiffs, a pack of hounds of sixteen couple, bring thee into the land whither thou goest 

three of them to hunt the wolf only, a know- to possess it and when the 

ing huntsman, and two men and a boy — an Lord thy God shall deliver them before thee, 

orderly hunt to take place thrice a month at thou shalt smite them and utterly destroy 

least. This establishment was to be kept them, thou shalt make no covenant with 

partly at Dunboyne and partly at Dublin. them nor shew mercy unto them ; neither 

And for the securing the performance of his shalt thou make marriages with them . . . 

engagement, he was to pay £100 a year ad- . . . thou shalt consume all the people which 

ditional rent, to be defalked in wolf and fox- the Lord thy God shall deliver thee : thine 

heads; 6 wolf-heads and 24 fox- heads the eye shall have no pity upon them 

first year, 4 wolf-heads and 16 fox-heads the And the Lord will put out those nations be- 
ad year, 2 wolf-heads and 10 fox-heads the fore thee by little and little; thou mayest 
3 d y r , and 1 wolf-head and 5 fox-heads in not consume them at once, lest the beasts of 
each year afterwards during the term. And the field increase upon thee." — Deutero- 
in caseheshall fallshortofkillingandbring- nomy, vii. 

ing in the s d number of wolves, and foxes' 3 « Book of Homage Tenures for the Pro- 
heads yearly, then deduction is to be made vince of Leinster." Court of Exchequer. 


half mart; Killcarricke, one and a half mart land; Ballyfoy- 
minge, two-sevenths of one mart land; Kilmaloppoge, half a mart 
land ; Ballytarsnoe, one mart land ; Teghawrelane, one-seventh part 
of a mart land ; and the town and lands of Bally waiter, — Held of our 
Lord the King, as of his manor of Carlow, by the service of half of 
one knight's fee, by letters patent dated 21st July, 1626. 

The same : Rathellin, one mart land ; Bally williamroe, Rath- 
croage, part of the lands called Parckevespane, half a martland ; 
Seskinrian alias Seskin, Ballinisilloge, Ballinecarrige, Ballycarroge, 
Killoge, Ballyglappalocke, Ballyshane, half a mart land in Clonen ; 
four-sevenths of one mart land in Ballyreagh ; one mart land in 
Bally cormacke ; one mart land in Cloughwalter ; five-sevenths of one 
mart land in Ballyclantornocke ; one mart land in Killcallatrome ; 
one mart land in uttermost Seskin Doncree ; seven-eighteenths of 
one mart land in Clough-Cantwell ; Corromore ; one mart land in 
Killoughternan, Ouldbegg, Clonclevett, Broolyria, Cowlanacappoge , 
Ballygowen, Clonagastill, Gormanagh, Knockskun, Knockower, 
Killedmond, Rahindarragh, Ballinvalla, Bowly Cullen, Killtennell, 
Golleglowne, Knockroe, Ballybromell, Killconnor, Ballyrian, Skill- 
rye, and Corrobegg, — of our Lord the King, as of his manor of Car- 
low by the service of half of one knight's fee, by letters patent 
dated 21st July, 1626. 

The same : Killinerle, Downcore, Killcomeny, Killshanerlone, 
Orney, Ratheaden, Ballyteige, Kildrinagh, Lomclone, one mart 
land called Clantomensland ; Ballintortane, Ffenogh, Killanckline 
and Ballyloghan, and Ballyrane, — of our Lord the King, as of his 
manor of Carlow, by the service of half of one knight's fee, by let- 
ters patent dated 21st July, 1626. 

The same: All those manors, towns, and lands of Ffemough, 
alias Ffymagh, Monibegg, Bohermore, Knockmollen, Rathduffe, 
Newtowne, Ballynemuer, Ballydermine, Ballyhobboge, Tartane- 
owla, Ballyknockane, Ballybegg, Ballytomen, Cowlenesopp, Car- 
rickbegg, Ballylowe, Rathphillibine, Skreatrine, Glangerry, and 
Ffarenloghane, — of our Lord the King, as of his manor of Carlow 
by the service of half of one knight's fee, by letters patent dated 
21st July, 1626. 

The same : All the manors, castles, towns, and lands of Kenoge, 
Knockanecrogh, Crannagh, Carrickebracke, Rostillige, Moyvalla, 
Rahinquoile, ToameduiFe, Bannogebegg, Killvearie, Killgarrane, 
Aghevicke, Ballydney, Ballinigran, Knockasgondon, Killdame, 
Killgreanie, Ballynattin, Rahanna, Ballinlinekard, Rahorckane, — 
of our Lord the King, of his manor of Carlow, by the service of one 
half of one knight's fee, by letters patent dated 21st July, 1626. 

The same : Staplockstown,Killreny, and Ballykerooke, one mart 
land ; Twirbilane (?), Ballinacarrigge, one mart land ; Newton and 
Kilknock, one mart land ; Rathcroage, one-sixth of a mart land ; 


Clonegidd, half of a mart land ; Rathrehead, half a mart ; Balli- 
lowe, Balligowen, and Ballitarsne, half a mart land ; Clonegoose, 
Knocknegundenagh, and Ballinesilloge, one-third of a mart ; an- 
nual rent of 40s. issuing from the town and lands of Ballicoppigan 
and Killcallatram ; annual rent of 40s. from Knockanvogh, Killten- 
nell, Ballicullen, Ballinvalla, &c, Rossdillige, Killenerle, Moyvally, 
Knockroe, Rahanan, Crannagh, Rahindarragh, Killedmund, and 
Rahinquill, Tomduffe, containing one mart land; reversion of the 
town and lands of Ballinloghan, Coolnegappoge, Carrickbegge, 
Carrigmore, Aghavick, expectant on the death of Bryan; M'Donogh 
Kavanagh,and the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten ; Orchard, 
half of a mart land ; Caldtowne, half of a mart land ; reversion of 
the town and lands of Ballyrean, containing one mart land, after 
the death of Owen Birne; reversion of the town and lands of 
Tooleanageanagh, Bohillagh, Watterstowne, Lenkardstowne, ex- 
pectant on the death of Thomas Davills, and the heirs male of his 
body lawfully begotten; Ballyrye, Knockbower, Urney alias 
Norney, Ballinegran, Ballymeene, and Carrickbegg, one mart land 
and a half ; Ballyhobbocke, whereof Ballybegg a parcel, contain- 
ing one-sixth of a mart land. Annual rent of £10 sterling, issuing 
from the lands of Aghe, Boherduffe, and Cloghnen ; Killdrynagh, 
containing half a mart ; Ballywilliamroe, one mart ; Killcarrick, 
annual rent of £2 sterling, issuing out of Ballaghdermine ; annual 
rent of 25s. issuing from Ballyknockan, Ballycomen, one-third of a 
mart land ; annual rent of £5, issuing from the lands of Seskinryan ; 
and another annual rent of 30s. issuing from the lands of Kilbride ; 
annual rent of 70s. issuing from the lands of Donowe ; Rathvally- 
villane, Killcruitt, and Sliguth, alias Sligah, two mart lands and 
one-sixth ; annual rent of £5 sterling, issuing from the lands of 
Rathellin, by Inquisition, after the death of George Bagnall, Esq., 
in the year 1 637 .' It would be interesting to ascertain, were it pos- 
sible, the names and condition of the tenants and inhabitants of these 
lands at the period of their being confiscated ; but though it is easy 
to know the names of all the proprietors who forfeited estates under 
the proceedings of the Parliament, there is no record of the names 
of their tenants. 

In the year 1653 and 1654 there was a Survey taken by order 
of the Commonwealth Government, to ascertain the lands forfeited 
by reason of the Rebellion of 1641, preparatory to the mapping and 
distributing of the lands among the adventurers and soldiers, in 
which are set down the various owners in fee ; but no notice is 
taken of the lessees and tenants in occupation. 

' These were the estates granted by Sir vered the barony, by Decree of the Council, 
Peter Carew to the Kavanaghs and other in 1586. This portion of the history of 
Irish he found in possession when he reco- Idrone has been treated of already. 


This Surrey, afterwards known as the " The Civil Survey," 
was a report of the extent and value of the lands according to evi- 
dence obtained from the late proprietors' agents and tenants on the 
spot, with the aid of a jury, but was not accompanied by any map 
or survey "by down admeasurement" (as surveying and mapping 
was then called). It was made for State purposes, and ordered by 
the State. Sir William Petty's Survey was made by chain, &c... 
for the purpose of being mapped, and was called a " down" survey, 
which distinguished it from the former. The term " civil" survey, 
attached to the other, may have marked another distinction, Sir 
W. Petty's being undertaken for the army. The Civil Survey 
was, by the Act of Settlement, ordered to be handed to the Com- 
missioners for executing that Act, as containing the names of the 
proprietors whose estates were to be adjudicated upon, and was 
afterwards burnt in the great fire that destroyed the Council 
Chamber in 1711. A specimen of it may be seen printed, "A 
Survey of the Half Barony ofRathdown, in the County of Dublin, 
by Order of Cs. Fleetwood, Lord Deputy, Oct. 4, 1654." 1 
The first column in the "Book of Distributions," compiled in 1676, 
containing the proprietors' names, anno 1641, was taken from the 
Civil Survey, and the Barony of Idrone, as appearing in the " Book 
of Distributions," is given hereafter. 

There is thus a very accurate record of the different proprietors 
whose estates were confiscated under the Commonwealth Govern- 
ment; but there is no mode of ascertaining the character and num- 
ber of the farming population, which must, however, have been 
almost entirely Irish. 

i " Desiderata Curiosa Hibemica," vol. ii., p. 529. 
(To be continued) 







44 grs. . 

Crofton Croker, Esq 


15. . . 

Dr. A. Smith. 


14. . . 

R. Sainthill, Esq. 


22. . . 

Dr. A. Smith. 


55. . . 

Dr. A. Smith. 


20. . . 

Dr. A. Smith. 


9. • • 

R. Sainthill, Esq. 

I have designated the gold piece, Fig. 10, Plate II., a "Pis- 
tole," because the weight of the Spanish and French pistoles, which 
were current in Ireland by proclamations issued in 1660, 1683, and 
1687, was 4 dwts. 8 grs. See Simon, pp. 51, 56, and 57: Edit. 


(Continued from page 80.) 


Among the proprietors forfeiting in the Barony of Idrone, of 
course, Colonel Walter Bagenal figures as principal ; but there are 
certain of the Kavanaghs who were possessed of estates, being those 
so generously confirmed to them by Sir Peter Carew, when he re- 
covered the Barony by Order or Decree of the Council, on the 17 th 
December, 1568. According to this Survey, " Walter Bagenall, 
Irish Papist," is found to have been possessed, in the year 1641, of 
various denominations of land, including most of those enumerated 
in the " Book of Homage Tenures," 1 and containing in the whole 
9168 acres, plantation measure, (being equal to 14,846, say 15,000 
acres, statute measure), which, of course, were all forfeited. The 
other proprietors in that Barony who forfeited estates on account 
of the Rebellion of 1641, were " Mr. Bryan Kavanagh, Protestant," 
who held in this Barony 1406 acres, plantation measure, that is to 
say, in the parish of Cloneygoosh, the lands of " Burrish," 210 acres, 
and Old Bogg, 565 acres, and 631 acres of the lands of Kilcallerim, 
in the parish of Kilshynall. Edmund Kavanagh, Ballytagleigh, in 
the parish of Lorum, and other lands, 352 acres. Morgan Byrne, 
part of Siskinrean and Kilmalopoge, 226 acres, in the same parish. 
Richard Tomyn, the lands of Bally tomyn, and other lands, 176 
acres, in the same parish. Henry Warren, "Protestant," 1665 

' P. 77, svpra. 


acres (names omitted) in same. Art Kavanagh, " Irish Papist," 
the lands of Corribeg and Corrimore, 381 acres in same. Murtagh 
oge Kavanagh, the lands of Ballinloghan, Ballinree, and other 
lands, in the parish of Slegoff, 1895 acres. Murtagh Kavanagh, 
the lands of Milltown, Drumfea, Rangreagh, and others, 1801 
acres, in the parish of Feenagh. The Earl of Ormond, the lands 
of Loughlin-bridge, 261 acres, in the parish of Acha; and in the 
parish of Arnie Oldtown, and other lands, 1081 acres, (without 
including Cloghgrennan in West Idrone, and extensive estates in 
other parts of the county). Gerald Kinselagh, the lands of Kynogh, 
Kiledmond, Kilcomney, and other lands, 1420 acres, in the parish 
of Kilshynall. 

On the 14th of October, 1653, there issued forth the order to 
transplant. All the late owners of these forfeited estates, with their 
wives and children, their flocks and herds, were, under penalty of 
death, to withdraw themselves to Connaught, by the 1st of May, 
1654. It is a mistake to suppose that the Irish were driven in a 
disorderly crowd pell rnell across the Shannon. It was arranged 
that proprietors, with all such friends as chose to transplant with 
them, might set themselves down together on lands having a like- 
ness (so far as could conveniently be provided), to the nature of the 
land they had lately occupied. 

As there was no time, however, for erecting a fit tribunal for 
discriminating their degrees of guilt, according to which they were 
to receive their proportions of land in Connaught, they were to 
proceed, in the first instance, to Loughrea, to Commissioners there, 
who would set them out a temporary provision of land, such as they 
could graze and till with their stock, until there should be leisure 
to erect a proper court for the orderly trial of their several qualifi- 
cations, which was to sit at Athlone. Their tenants might, if they 
would, go with them. But they were not obliged to do so ; they 
might leave them, and sit down elsewhere in Connaught, as tenants 
to the State, or under other transplanting proprietors. It is plain, 
by the exception in the Ordinance of the 12th of September, 1652, 
"of artificers, husbandmen, labourers, and those not possessed of pro- 
perty to the value of ten pounds," 1 that the State were not so anxious 
for the removal of the common Irish as of the gentry. Indeed, if 
we are to believe a cotemporary, it was part of the scheme of the 
Commonwealth Parliament to send thenobilityandgentry into Con- 
naught deprived of their tenants, in order that they and their de- 
scendants might sink into the rank of peasants. The authority for 
this is one Maurice Morison, a Missionary of the Order of Friars 
Minors in Ireland, who, in spite of the dangers that followed detec- 
tion, dwelt, one would almost think, in the very household of Colonel 

1 " Scobell's Acts and Ordinances of the Parliament, of ngland.'' 


Henry Ingoldsby, Governor of Limerick, — a circumstance of noun- 
frequent occurrence in those days, when the priests assumed the 
garb of soldiers, and labourers, and even of domestic servants, in 
order to minister in secret to the scattered members of their flocks. 1 

His book, which he entitles " The Wail of the Irish Catholics," 
he published in Latin at Innspruck, in the year 1659, addressed to 
his excellent patron, Don Guidobald, Archbishop of Salzburg, and 
to the Dean and Canons there. It contains some very curious de- 
tails, that could only have been acquired by some one about the per- 
son of Colonel Ingoldsby; and amongst others, a conversation that 
took place in his presence between a Protestant statesman of high 
rank("magnus haereticus consiliarius"), and some other person, con- 
cerning the transplantation to Connaught, when, the latter express- 
ing his surprise that the Act of Proscription excepted the common 
Irish, this statesman gave three reasons for it. First (he said) they 
are useful to the English as earth tillers and herdsmen ; secondly, 
deprived of their priests and gentry, and living among the English, 
it is to be hoped they will become Protestants ; and, thirdly, the 
gentry, without their aid, must work for themselves and their fami- 
lies to support life, and thus must either die, or in time turn into 
common peasants. 3 

It was not only the Kavanaghs, therefore, "mere Irish" gentle- 
men, and the farming class, that were required to transplant, but 
men of English descent, like the Bagenals. A brother of Colonel 
Walter Bagenal's, Colonel Thomas Bagenal, underwent the common 
fate — as appears from a petition he presented to the Commissioners 
of the Government, when they were on one of their progresses at 
Athlone, by which he besought them for permission to come back 
to the neighbourhood of his former seat on business for a limited 
time; a request, however, in which he failed, as appears by the 
following order made on his petition : — 

"16th June, 1655. 

" Upon consideration had of the within peticon of Con. Tho s Bagnall, It 
is thought fitt that the said Colonell reside in Connaught conforming to 

1 Bishop Lynch's " Alithinologia," vol. i, Which may be thus translated :— 

p. 1. 2 vols. Small 4to. Printed at St. Malo's " The Wail of the Irish Catholics: Or, 

(in Latin), 1 667. the Groans of the whole clergy and people of 

2 " Threnodia Hiberno-Catholica, Sive the kingdom of Ireland, in which is truly set 
PHnctus Universalis totius cleri et populi forth an epitome of the unheard of and tran- 
regni Hiberniae : In quai veridice et sincere scendental cruelty by which the Catholics of 
recensetur Epitome inauditae et transcenden- the Kingdom oflreland are oppressed by 
tis Crudelitatis qua Catholici Regn. Hibern. the godless English under the archtyrant 
ab Angl. Antheistis tyrannice opprimuntur Cromwell, the usurper and destroyer of 
subarchi-tyrannoCrumwellotriumregnorum of the three realms of England, Ireland, and 
nempe Anglise Hiberniae et Scotia? usurpatore Scotland. By F. M. Morison, of the Minors 
et destructore. Per F. M. Morisonum Min. of Strict Observance, Lecturer in Theology, 
Strict. Observantiae. S. Theologhs Lectorem, an eye-witness of those cruelties. Innsbruck. 
Pnvfatse crudelitatis test, ocularem. Mni- Printed by Michael Wagner. A. D. 1659." 
pouti. Typis Michael Wagner. Anno 1659." 12mo. 


rule, Butt upon application made to the Governor of Athlone he may have 
libertie from the said Gorernor for one of his servants to return to 
Leinster (iff a real necessitie thereof appeare for the ends ment d in the 
Peticon) and for such tyme as shall by s d Governor be thought expedient 
thereto, provided good securitie be given for the said servant's returne att 
the expiracon of the s a terme allotted him. Dated att Athlone the 16th 
of June, 1655." 

The condition of the gentry driven into Connaught with their 
wives and families was sad enough. Deprived of their accustomed 
accommodations, many went mad, or died. Some hanged them- 
selves, and hundreds throwing up their allotments, or selling them 
for a mere trifle to the officers of the State, fled in horror and aver- 
sion from the scene, and embarked for Spain. Those that were 
forced to stay, through want of means to transport themselves, or 
from having helpless families, endured miseries, compared to which 
a Russian exile's life in Siberia is an Arcadia. 

" Good heavens, what sorrows gloomed that parting day, 
That tore them from their native walks away ; 
When the poor exiles, every pleasure passed, 
Hung round their bowers, and fondly looked their last, 
And took a long farewell, and sighed in vain 
For seats like these beyond (beside) the western main.'' 

The sad fate of Colonel Walter Bagnal had yet this compensa- 
tion, that he and his family were spared the misery of the transplan- 
tation to Connaught. At the time of his death, he left his widow 
and three children surviving, the latter of tender years, viz., two 
sons, Dudley and Henry, and one daughter, Katherine. 

His wife was an English lady, Elizabeth Roper, daughter of 
John, third Lord Teynham, who, previous to her intermarriage with 
Colonel Bagnal, had been married to Mr. John Plunkett, by whom 
she had a son, Nicholas Plunkett. The cruel death of her husband, 
the destitution of her fatherless children, and the calamities of the 
time, overthrew her reason. 

She and her children had lost, together with their protector and 
parent, their great estate in the county of Carlow, and were de- 
prived of a home. But by her marriage settlement with Mr. Plun- 
kett she had jointure lands, which her son, Nicholas Plunkett, sought 
to make available for her use ; and on the 9th of May, 1653, he pre- 
sented a petition to the Council, setting forth that his mother was 
distracted, and prayed for the management of those lands for her 
support. But these, too, were seized for the soldiery; and all that 
was allowed her out of them was £40 a year, to be paid to her son 
Nicholas for her and her children's support.' 

1 " Upon reading the Petition of Nicho- Eliz' 1 ' Roper aliasBagnalwidowsettingforth 
las Plunkett on y behalfe of his Mother her title to certain town* and land» settled 


In a short time, however, she ceased from troubling. In less 
than two years she sank, broken-hearted as well as distracted, into 
her grave, leaving her children, now orphans, to the mercy of the 
Puritan Government. 

Fortunately for them, they had not only powerful friends, being 
connected with the branch of the Bagnals, settled near Newry, still 
Protestants, but the hard fate of their father seems to have touched 
the Commonwealth rulers with remorse. 

Their first act, however, after Elizabeth Bagnal's death, towards 
the orphans, was a kindness in their own way, viz., to take them 
from their natural relations, in order to bring them up to Dublin, 
to be educated under their own eye in the Protestant faith. On the 
27th of March, 1655, after their mother's death, the Council made 
an order continuing the allowance of £40 a year to Elizabeth Bag- 
nal's children ; but in about a fortnight they revoked it, and made 
the following : — 

" Upon consideration had of the allegations of the above Petition of 
Kathrine Bagnall desiring the benefitt of the late order for the enjoyment 
of the Profitts of part of her mother's jointure for her and her two bro- 
thers' maintenance the Council have thought fitt to recall the same and 
have Ordered that the s d Kathrine Bagnall should be provided for in same 
good family att Dublin and that the s d two brothers should be educated 
and provided for in the free schoole at Dublin. 

" Dublin 17th of April 1655. 

" Tho 8 Herbert, 

" Clerk of the Council." 

In the following year, Dudley having attained the age of eigh- 
teen, Lord Henry Cromwell, who was then Lord Lieutenant, and 
whose goodness of disposition has been much praised, seems to have 
interested himself greatly in his fate, and to have had a wish that 
Dudley should be brought up (to the bar ?) in England ; and with 
this view, he directed Colonel Herbert, the Clerk of the Council, to 
make a proposal to Mr. Hampden to take him as his apprentice, of- 
fering to pay one hundred pounds as his apprentice fee : — 

upon her by her former husband John Plun- contribution) and that the same bee paid unto 

kettforherjoyntureanddesiringthemanage- her or whom the said Plunkett shall appoint 

tnent of the s" 1 Estate by reason his said mo- for and towards the maintenance of herself 

ther is distracted and incapable of managing and children till further order ; whereof the 

y e same ; and upon p'usall of a Certificate Commissioners of Revenue respectively and 

made by Mr. Attorney Gen 1 to whom the all others whom it may concerne are to take 

Examination of the matter was formerly re- notice. 

ferred, It is thought fitt and ord d that the "Dublin, 9th May, 1653. 

said Elizabeth bee allowed y e yearly sum of " Chas. Fleetwood, Ed. Ludlow. 

Forty pounds out of the rents arising out of " Miles Corbett, John Jones." 

the s d towns and lands (over and above the — Irish Council Books, Dublin Castle. 



" 16 April 1656. 

" There is a youth now in Dublin whose father Colonel Bagnall suf- 
fered about ffour years since at Kilkenny by sentence of the High Court of 
Justice, whereby his estate which was considerable became forfeited to the 
Commonwealth. Hee left divers young children behind him whom the 
Commonweal tharemindful of, both on consideration of their distressed con- 
dition, and of their extract which is English. The Council here are de- 
sirous that this young man should be bound an apprentice to some person 
in London where hee may be virtuously trained up, and by benefit of 
good education and distance hence be wholly estranged from his Popish 
relations, and also be enabled when he hath served out his full time to live 
of himself honestly and with reputation. 

" This youth is about eighteen years old, of good stature for his age. 
He is ingenious, and hath lost no time to better his understanding being 
hitherto continued at School. He was nursed up in Popery until the 
Council took care of him, and by boarding him in a godly family he hath 
of late constantly repaired to the publique and private assemblies of good 
people who report well of him. I have given you this short account of 
him by command of the Lord Henry Cromwell and the rest of the Coun- 
cell, and to let you know That it is their desire hee may be bound Your 
apprentise. They are free to give you One Hundred pounds with him for 
the usual term apprentices are bound, hoping that he may be serviceable 
unto you, and by his course of life lay a hopefull foundation for his future 
livelihood. When you have considered this proposition you are desired to 
return your answer with all convenient speed unto 

" Your affectionate friend and servant, 

" Thos. Herbert. 
" Dublin Castle, 16 April, 1656." 

Whether Mr. Hampden refused to take Dudley Bagnal as his 
apprentice, or not, does not appear. But the scheme did not take 
effect. For in the following year Dr. Gorges, a person of consider- 
able note in Ireland in those days, interfered to obtain a Fellowship 
for him at Oxford, whither Dudley Bagnal proceeded to prosecute 
his studies, as appears by the following order : — 

" Henry Cromwell, — Upon consideration had of the Certificate of 
Mr. John Price in the behalf of Dudley Bagnall, whereby it appears That 
the said Bagnall hath lived in the said Price's house neare Three yeares: 
And since the said Bagnall was convinced of the Truths held forth in the 
Protestant Beligion (which was about two years ago) hee bath attended 
the Ordinances both publicque and private, and hath often expressed an 
earnest desire of a being in England, where he might improve his studies 
to his future welfare here, and be also freed from the visits of Papist 
Relations whom he cannot tell how to avoid. It is Ord a that J". Standish, 
Esq., Receiver General, do (out of the public monies that is or shall come 


into his hands) issue forth and pay unto D r . Eob' . Gorges or Mr. John 
Price the sum of £50, to provide necessaries for the said Mr. Bagnall in 
order to his going to the University of Oxford to follow his studies there ; 
and his former pension being to cease upon his entering into the Fellow- 
ship which the said Dr. Gorges has provided for him, for payment where- 
of this with their or either of their receipts at the back thereof shall be a 
warrant. Dated at the Councell Chamber at Dublin, the 20th of July, 

" W. S. C. [Wm. Steele, Chancellor.] 
" R. P. [Richd. Pepys]." 

Notwithstanding the attempt, however, to render the country 
safe for the new settlers, by removing the ancient inhabitants, it was 
found impossible to do it so effectually, but that their security was 
greatly troubled by numbers that betook themselves to the woods, 
the mountains, and other fastnesses, whence they often came down 
and took the cattle, and occasionally the lives, of the English planters. 
The kind of agrarian law under which the lands had been so lately 
distributed among the Adventurers and Soldiers of the Common- 
wealth army, took from property its sanctity, which depends much 
upon the antiquity of possession, and upon forgetfulness of its ori- 
ginal, and gave rise to agrarian crimes. The counties of Kildare 
and Carlow, lying under the Wicklow mountains, were particularly 
liable to the attacks of these outlaws. Bands of desperate men 
formed themselves into bodies, under the leadership of some dispos- 
sessed gentleman, who had retired to the wilds when the rest of the 
army laid down arms, or " ran out again," as it was called, after sub- 
mitting, and resumed them, rather than transplant to Connaught. 1 
He soon found associates, for the country was full of " swordmen ;" 
though forty thousand took conditions from the King of Spain, 
under the terms of the Leinster (or Kilkenny) articles, and were 
transported with their officers within the year after submitting. 

Others came back from Spain. 2 These were the Tories. The 
great regions left waste and desolate by the wars and the transplan- 
tation gave them scopes for harbouring in, and the inadequate num- 
ber of the forces of the Commonwealth to fully control so extensive 
a country as Ireland left them at liberty to plan their surprises. 

i " 27th Aug 4 , 1656. — Notwithstanding &c, upon the well affected, &c." 
the sev 1 orders wherein sev 1 days and times 2 "24" 1 JanJ, 1655-6. — That Irish Pa- 
have been prefixed by which Papist proprie- pists who had been licensed to depart this 
tors of lands were to remove themselves, Nation, and of late years have been trans- 
as also their wives and child" to Connaught planted into Spain, Flanders, and other fo- 
whereto some have yielded obed ce and many reign parts, have nevertheless secretly re- 
othersin sev'parts do refuse, and from thence turned into Ireland, occasioning the encrease 
have taken occasion to run out again into of Tories and other lawless persons." — Books 
the boggs, woods, and other the fastnesses and of the Council for the Affairs of Ireland, 
desert places of the land to committ murthers, Dublin Castle. 


These outlaws were so daring and desperate, that they attacked 
the new English tenants, or purchasers, within hail of the garrisons. 

In the month of March, 1655, a sad case occurred in the neigh- 
bourhood of the garrison of Timolinn, in the county of Kildare. 
John Symonds and his family, who had lately come out of England 
with all their substance to plant in Ireland, by advice of friends set- 
tled at Kilnemarne, and had engaged twenty more families very sud- 
denly to comeand plantthere,beingencouraged by hopes of receiving 
protection from the garrison of Timolinn adjacent thereto ; soon after 
his arrival, he and his two sons, being about repairing of houses 
upon the premises, in the daytime (the deserted abodes, no doubt, of 
Irish gentlemen and their families, lately transplanted to Connaught), 
were waylaid, and set upon by three Irishmen, being bloodthirsty 
and wicked persons, who fell upon him and his two sons, and cruelly 
murdered one of them, and dangerously wounded the other. Both 
these sons had faithfully served the Commonwealth in England, as 
soldiers, since the beginning of the war ; and the one murdered left 
behind him a poor distressed widow, an honest sober person, in an 
extraordinary poor condition, with very small children, for whom a 
charitable subscription was encouraged in the parish churches by or- 
der of the Commissioners for the Affairs of Ireland. 1 Rigorous 
orders were immediately issued and enforced for transplanting all 
the Irish inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of Timolinn 
to Connaught, as a consequence of this murder. 

Six months afterwards, notwithstanding this signal chastise- 
ment, another murder took place in the townland of Lackagh, in the 
same county. On the 22nd October, 1655, Dennis Brennan and 
Murtagh Turner, Protestants (persons lately in the service of 
the State, and pay of the army) were barbarously murdered. All 
the Irish of the townland of Lackagh were seized ; four of them, by 
sentence of court-martial, were hanged for the murder, or for not 
preventing it; and all the rest, thirty-seven in number, including 
two priests, were on the 27th of November delivered to the Cap- 
tain of the Wexford frigate to take to Waterford, there to be 
handed over to Mr. Norton, a Bristol merchant, to be sold as bond- 
slaves to the sugar-planters at the Barbadoes. 2 Among these were 
Mrs. Margery Fitzgerald, of the age of fourscore years, and her 
husband, Mr. Henry Fitzgerald, of Lackagh, although (as it after- 
wards appeared) the Tories had, by their frequent robberies, much 
infested that gentleman and his tenants — a discovery that seems to 
have been made only after the King's restoration. 3 

Part of the same system was the law for levying satisfaction 

1 Books of the Council for the Affairs of and the Sufferings of the Irish under Crom- 
Ireland, Dublin Castle. well," p. 7. Printed in theyear 1660. Small 

2 Id. ito. Pp 11 (by Father Peter Walsh, author 
'"Continuation of the Brief Narration, of the " History of the Irish Remonstrance"). 


for damages done by Tories. If a band of these outlaws — some of 
the Tooles, Byrnes, or Kavanaghs— came down from the Wicklow 
hills at night, and drove off the cows of some English planter to fast- 
nesses where none dare follow them, after putting the settler toflight 
and burning his haggard, the satisfaction was to be made by the Irish 
inhabitants in the following manner : — The damage was, in the first 
place, to be levied off the goods of any of the kindred of the Tories, 
i. e., of any Tooles, Byrnes, or Kavanaghs, who might be found 
in the barony where the robbery was committed, or in any barony 
through which they passed. These levies were called, in English, 
"kindred monies," in Irish, "Kincogues," signifying the liability of 
kindred, according to the Brehon system. 

In default of the kindred making good the damage, all the Irish 
inhabitants within these baronies were to contribute, all being held 
bound for their default in not raising hue-and-cry, or giving speedy 
notice to the nearest garrison. These latter levies were called 
" prey monies." The conquerors, though possessed of all the power, 
and bound to provide for the security of the Irish, no less than 
English, within their protection, laid the whole burthen on the na- 
tive race, and let all the English go free. These very laws were 
found to add to the numbers of the Tories : — 

" For though the protected Irish (says one Englishman who even in 
those days was found to protest against the system) were bound by law to 
discover and resist enemies on pain of death, and to make good all damages 
done to the English settlers by Tories, they neither had nor were allowed 
arms to enable them to resist, nor could the law-givers protect them either in 
their estates or lives from that enemy to whose malice and fury the ob- 
servance of these laws exposed them : so that both the contempt of and obe- 
dience to them, exposed these poor people to be punished with death, 
either by the English or the Irish. They, therefore, used to turn To- 
ries in self-defence." 1 

It will, perhaps, be admitted that this sweeping off of a whole 
neighbourhood to Connaught or the West Indies on suspicion, or 
making them repair damages they possibly could not prevent, was but 
a rude and wholesale justice, a rough sort of work, that must neces- 
sarily punish a certain proportion of wholly innocent persons with 
the guilty. It was the jurisprudence of conquerors. And the in- 
justice of it was not discovered, or at least admitted, till the levies 
began to eat up the rent and contribution payable to the Govern- 
ment, when they began to restrict them as much as possible ; or till 
there was an opportunity, after a change of rulers (as in the case of 
the Fitzgeralds, of Lackagh), to set forth the hardships involved 
in every exercise of such a law. 

1 "The Great Case of Transplantation in Ireland Discussed," p. 26. Small 4to. London, 1655. 


The penalties against the Tories themselves were to allow them 
no quarter when caught, and to set a price upon their heads. The 
ordinary price for the head of a Tory was forty shillings ; but for 
leaders of Tories, or distinguished men, it varied from five pounds to 
thirty pounds. 

In a proclamation of 3rd Oct., 1655, there was offered to any that 
should bring in the persons hereafter-named, or their heads, to the go- 
vernors of any of the counties where the said Tories should be taken, 
the following sums, viz., for Donnogh O'Derrick, commonly called 
"Blind Donnogh," the sum of thirty pounds ; for Dermot Eyan, 
the sum of twenty pounds ; for James Leigh, the sum of five pounds ; 

for Kelly, the sum of five pounds ; or for any other Tory, thief, 

or robber, that should be hereafter taken by any countryman,and 
brought dead or alive to any of the chief governors of any county 
or precinct, forty shillings ; and if taken and brought by any sol- 
dier, twenty shillings. 1 

Under a similar proclamation, there appears paid, by a treasury 
warrant, to Captain Adam Loftus on the 12th of May, 1657, the 
sum of £20 for taking Daniel Kennedy, an Irish Tory ; his head 
being sent to Catherlough, to be set up on the castle walls, to the 
terror of other malefactors. 2 

And in April, of the same year, to Lieutenant Francis Rowle- 
stone the sum of £6 13s. 4c?., the same being in consideration of the 
good services by him performed in December last, in killing two 
Tories, viz., Henry Archer, formerly a lieutenant in the Irish army, 
then a chief leading Tory, and William Shappe, brogue-maker, then 
under his command — whose heads were brought to the town ofKil- 

i " Order of the Council for the Affairs of Donnogh, the sum of £30 ; for Dermot Eyan 

Ireland for taking Tories, 3rd Oct., 1655. the sum of £20; for Art McKreen, otherwise 

Whereas many murthers, robberies, spoyles, called Kavenagh, the sum of £20 ; for Ja B 

and other mischiefs are dayly committed by Leigh the sum of £5 : for Kelly, the 

Tories and other loose and idle persons in sum of five pounds ; Or for any other Tory 

severall parts of this nation upon the Eng- Thiefe, or Bobber that shall bee hereafter 

lish and Protestants and other good people taken by any countryman and brought dead 

of this land, and especially by those Tories or alive to any of the chief Governors of any 

that most commonly harbour themselves in C° or Precinct, such countryman shall be 

the great fastnesses within the Co s of Wick- paid the sum of Forty Shillings. And if 

lbe and Wexford, and are the ringleaders of taken and brought in by any souldier, such 

those and other lewd and dangerous persons. souldier to receive the sum of Twenty Shil- 

For the prevention whereof for the future and lings, which is forthwith to be paid by the 

for the due encouragement held forth to all respective Receivers of the Revenue of the 

such persons as shall be instrumental! in ap- different Precincts, upon Certificate under 

prehending of the Tories hereafter ment' 1 It the hand of the 3 d Governor concerning the 

is hereby Ord 1 and Declared that whoever takingof such a Thiefe or Robber within that 

shall bring in the persons hereafter-named or Precinct. Dated at Wexford, the 3* 1 of Oct., 

their heads unto any of the Governors of the 1655. 

garrisons of the respective counties where the "Thos. Herbert, 

s d Tories shall bee taken shall receive forthe " Clerk of the Council.'' 

same the following sums specified, viz., For 2 Treasury Warrants. A. D. 1657, Dub- 

Donnogh O'Derrick, commonly called Blind lin Castle. 


kenny, unto Major Redmond there, as appears by his certificate, 
dated 9th April, inst. 1 

But there were other modes of dealing for the suppression of 
Tories. The English, whether as soldiers or planters, were inade- 
quate to cope with these wild and lightfooted outlaws, who knew 
each togher (or foot-path) through the quaking bogs, and every 
pass among the hills and woods. They were, therefore, under the 
necessity of calling in the aid of some of the countrymen of the 
Tories, who were equally skilled in the knowledge of the countiy, 
and were familiar with the habits and secrets of these outlaws. 
They either dealt with some Irish gentleman for the guarding of 
some district, and pursuing of the Tories within it, on the terms of 
his being spared from transplantation for his services ; or they found 
means to agree with any Tory, not guilty of any actual murder, to 
kill by treachery any two of his comrades, as the price of his own 
pardon, the latter being a measure that was found so advantageous, 
that it was afterwards introduced among the Parliamentary enact- 
ments, 2 and was continued from the period of the Commonwealth 
down to the year 1776; with this improvement made in the reign 
of George I., 3 that it should be enough to kill one Tory only in 
order to secure a pardon, considering how scared and wary they 
grew of each other, when once they became conscious of having a 
traitor among them, and how difficult it was to kill a second after 
the first had been taken off. As an instance of a gentleman ob- 
taining his dispensation from transplantation to Connaught by en- 
gaging to hunt Tories, there is the case of one of the Kavanaghs 
of this district of Idrone. 

To reduce the Tories in the county of Carlow, the Government, 
in the year 1656, came to an agreement with Major Charles Kava- 
nagh to dispense with his transplantation to Connaught, and with 
that of thirteen Irishmen, of his own selection, as his assistants, for 
the purpose of prosecuting and destroying Tories in that county, 
and in the adjoining counties of Wicklow, Wexford, and Kilkenny. 4 
Major Kavanagh selected the stump of the old Castle of Archagh 

1 Treasury Warrants, A. D. 1657. purpose It is hereby Ordered that Walter 
8 7th W. III. (Ir.), c i. A. D. 1695. Byrne, Donnogh Byrne, Garrett Walle, Sy- 
s 4 6. I., c. 9. A. D. 1712. mon Wattle, John Nowlan, Morris Kave- 
* " Upon reading a letter of y e 8th inst., nagh, Murtagh Byrne, Christopher Fitzge- 
from Major Boulton, certifying that the raid, James Kavenagh, Edward Byrne, Art 
fourteen persons, hereafter named, are the Oge Bryan, Robert Fforstal, Win. Doeran 
most capable and fittest of any that he can and John Buoy Roche, in y e said letter men- 
learn in the county of Catherlough, and the tioned, be dispensed with from transplanta- 
counties adjoining, for the assistauce of Ma- tion into y e province of Connaught and 
jor Kavanagh in the prosecuting and de- county of Clare until further order. Dublin 
stroying of Tories in the counties of Wick- Castle, 15th May, 1656. 
low, Wexford, Kilkenny, and Catherlough, " Thos. Herbert, 
and therefore desiring that they may be dis- " Clerk of the Council." 
pensed with from transplantation for that — Irish Council Books, Dublin Castle. 


(otherwise Agha), a waste place lying in the barony of Idrone, as 
the post for him and hia band to inhabit, as being situate in the 
centre of the three counties of Wexford, Carlow, and Kilkenny ; 
and a lease was made of it by the State to Major Boulton (who 
seems to have been the medium of communication with Major 
Kavanagh), in order that he might assign it over to him for his re- 
sidence and habitation. 1 

This place lay about four miles due west of Leighlin Bridge, 
and in some degree may have watched the approaches against the 
advance of any Tories from the Wicklow hills, which lay still more 
to the west. 

Major Charles Kavanagh was the son of Gerald Kavanagh, who 
appears as forfeiting the lands of Donore, in the parish of Wells, in 
that part of the barony of Idrone that lies beyond the Barrow, ad- 
jacent to the county of Kilkenny, in the Survey of 1653 ; and who, 
though he had hitherto avoided transplantation, had certainly not 
turned Tory. He had possibly been educated as highly as any 
Englishman, and, like many of his name, was connected by blood 
and marriage with the best old English families in the neighbour- 
ing counties. 

But others, wilder and more desperate, " ran out." Amongst 
these was Gerald Kinsellagh, who appears, in the Survey of 1635, 
as forfeiting a large estate of 1420 acres, consisting of the lands of 
Kynogh, Kiledmond, Kilcoursey, and other lands in the barony of 
Idrone. He became " a leading Tory," and with him the Govern- 
ment entered into terms for pursuing and destroying his fellow-To- 
ries. The same Lieutenant Francis Rowlestone, who was paid for 
the heads of two Tories killed by him, and who, probably, in his fre- 
quent conflicts with them, had earned their respect and confidence 
(for the brave respect the brave), had a warrant from the State in 
1659 to treat with this Gerald (or Garrett) Kinsellagh and two 
other Tories of the neighbourhood, " then abroad and on their keep- 
ing," and to promise them their security and liberty, on condition 
of their hunting down other Tories, who were abroad disturbing the 

1 "Upon readinga letter of the 8th inst. the Commissioners appointed to let lands and 

from Major Boulton, setting forth that in houses belonging to y e Commonwealth in y« 

pursuance of an order of this Board upon the C° of Catherlough to permit the s d Major 

petition of Major Charles Kavanagh of the Bonlton to become tenant to y e 8 d castle and 

1st of April last, hee certified that the Castle lands to be forthwith sett over by the s d Ma- 

of Archagh, being a waste place in y e Ba- jor Boulton unto the s d Major Charles Ka- 

rony of Idrone and C° of Catherlough, is the vanagh for his residence and habitation, he 

most convenient place for the s d Major Charles performing duly y e conditions engaged into 

Kavanagh to inhabit, there being thereon bythes d Major Boulton, and to be performed 

an ould stump of a Castle, situate in the betweene, him and y' state for the said lands, 

center of y e Three Counties of Wexford, Ca- Dublin Castle, May 19, 1656. 
therlough, and Kilkenny : And upon consi- " Thos. Herbert, 

deration had thereof It is thought fitt and "Clerk of the Council." 

Ord d that it bee and is hereby referred to — Irish Council Books, Dublin Castle. 


public peace. 1 But, in order to show that they had not been them- 
selves engaged in any murders, it was also made a condition that 
they should be ready to render themselves to the Governors of 
Wexford, Waterford, Rosse, and Kilkenny, and submit to any 
charge of murder that should be brought against them, as the State 
did not intend to employ such Tories as had been guilty of actual 

But national hatred, as has been remarked, is the firmest bond 
of secrecy and conspiracy.* The Irish — who had seen their country 
desolated, and their ancient gentry driven off to Connaught to make 
way for strangers of a new creed and new manners— would give no 
assistance to the law. 

Those that would not themselves deal a blow against the new 
proprietors and their tenants, yet saw them with silent satisfaction, 
terrified and bewildered at the sudden and secret attacks upon their 

They gave private intelligence to the Tories, to aid them to es- 
cape, or were simply passive ; and no penalties could force them to 
betray those whom they looked on as avengers of the wrongs of 
gentry and people alike. There was no security for the new set- 
tlers. There remains a very graphic account of the constant dan- 
ger in which they lived. 

1 " Ordered that Lieutenant Francis Eow- 
lestone bee and he is hereby empowered by 
and with the assistance of the Gov r at Wex- 
ford, Waterford, Eoss, and Kilkenny (orany 
of them) to treat with Garrett Kinselaugh, 
John Walsh, and James Roe (who with 
other Toryes are now abroad upon their 
keeping), and to conclude with them or any 
of them upon publique service by them to 
bee done for their libertie and securitie upon 
rendering themselves to the said Lieutenant 
or any of the governors at the places before 
ment d , and submitting to any charge of mur- 
ther that shall or may be exhibited against 
them, or any of them, and giving securitie 
for their future good behaviour, and after- 
wards to be amesnableto the Law for y e time 
to come, And y' they will not act anything 
against the publique peace, It being hoped 
this favour will engage them to discover and 
endeavour a speedy redacement of such other 
Toryes as are now abroad and disturbing the 
publique peace: And y e s d Lieut. Eowle- 
stone is from time to time to acquaint this 
Board with his proceedings herein. 

" Dated att Dublin, 15th Sept., 1659. 
"Thos. Herbebt, 

"Clerk of the Council." 
—Books of the Council for the Affairs of 
Ireland. Dublin Castle. 

It is worthy of remark that Charles 
Kollestone, Esq., Q. C, of the Leinster Cir- 
cuit, the descendant of this Lieutenant 
Francis Eowlestone, so noted for his con- 
flicts with the Tories of two hundred years 
ago, has been for twenty years the eloquent 
and trusted defender, in the Assize Courts 
of Wicklow, Wexford, Waterford, Kilkenny, 
Clonmel, and Nenagh, of the Whiteboys, 
Whitefeet, Terry Alts, &c, the lineal repre- 
sentatives of those outlaws, in conflict with 
whom bis ancestors won honours. 

2 " The conspiracy (of the Greeks, A. D. 
1205, against the Latins, then in possession 
of Constantinople) was propagated by na- 
tional hatred, the firmest bond of association 
and secrecy. The Greeks were impatient to 
sheath their daggers in the breasts of the vic- 
torious strangers ; but the execution was pru- 
dently delayed till Henry, the Emperor's 
brother, had transported the flower of his 
troops beyond the Hellespont. Most of the 
towns and villages of Thrace were true to 
the moment and the signal ; and the La- 
tins, without arms and without suspicion, 
were slaughtered by the vile and mercenary 
revenge of their slaves." — Gibbon's " Decline 
and Fall of the Eoman Empire," vol. x., c. 
61, p. 263. 


So sudden and so frequent were the murders of the English 
planters, that it was stated that no person was able to assure him- 
self of one night's safety, except such as live in strong castles, and 
these well guarded, and they (adds the reporter) very liable to sur- 
prise too. And after referring to the instances of the several hor- 
rid murders lately committed in the counties of Wexford, Kildare, 
and Carlow, &c, he continues — 

" Of which number one gentleman living in a strong castle, and sit- 
ting by the fire with his wife and family, in the evening heard some per- 
sons, whose voice he knew, call him by name to come to his gate to speak 
with him ; the poor gentleman, supposing no danger in a country where 
no enemy was heard of, presently went to the door and was there mur- 
thered, when he was taken up dead off the place. Another of them walk- 
ing in his grounds in the daytime about his business, was there found 
murthered, and to this day it could never be learned who committed 

either of them And when these horrid murthers are done, 

the poor English that doe escape know not what means to use. . . . 
For bis Irish neighboures, it's like he may not have one near him that can 
speak English ; and if he have an hue and cry (or Hullaloo as they call it) 
to be set up, they will be sure to send it the wrong way, or at least de- 
ferr it until the offender be far enough out of reach, and not unlike but 
the persons that seem busiest in the pursuit may be them that did the 
mischief." 1 

All this was particularly grievous to the Government, who had 
reserved the counties of Kildare and Carlow (with Dublin and 
Cork) for setting out amongst their chief republican friends. 

But the people of England have a boast that there is never a 
wrong without a remedy ; and as neither the sweeping off of all the 
people of a parish, where a murder was committed, to Connaught, 
nor the selling them as bond-slaves into the sugar-plantations, could 
secure the new English planters, nor hanging many of them on sus- 

1 " England's Great Interest in the well- Frenchman or not — a practice we find al- 

planting of Ireland with English people." lnded to in the ballad of Robin Hood and 

p. 7. Sir Guy of Gisborne. Thus this gallant re- 

" After the Norman Conquest (in times presentative of the early English yeomanry 

when it was a disgrace, as Matthew of Paris has no sooner slain Sir Guy (in the words of 

says, to be called an Englishman, ut Anglum the ballad) — 

vocari foret opprobrio, B. i., c. 12), many of "Than Robin pulled out an Irish knife, 

the dispossessed English nobles took to the And nicked Sir Guy in the face, 

woods, andlived therelike wolves, and thence That n .e ™ 5 neTC . r of woman born 

" ' , , , ' _, , Could know whose head it was." 

used to come down and murder the French 

gentlemen (id., ib.) ; and as none of the Eng- To meet this device, it was enacted that the 

lish peasantry would turn informers, there townland should still be fined, unless the 

was a law for fining the vill or townland jury found that the corpse was that of an 

where a Frenchman was found to be mur- Englishman, which was technically called 

dered, and the perpetrators could not be dis- Presentment of Englishry, which conti- 

covered. To evade this fine, the English nued for 300 years after the Conquest, be- 

peasantry used to cut off the nose, and gash ing abolished only in A. D. 1312. — 

the poor gentleman's face, that it could not " Blackstone's Commentaries," vol. iv., p. 

be told whether it was the corpse of a 195. 


picion of complicity because of their not resisting, nor the reducing 
them to ruin by levies for the kind of damages called kincogues and 
prey-monies, the Commonwealth rulers projected another mea- 
sure, to the understanding of which a little regard to the geogra- 
phy of Ireland is needed. 

Connaught, as bounded by the Shannon, including the county of 
Clare, had been reserved by Parliament, as already mentioned, 
from being set out to the adventurers and soldiers, and was appointed 
for the habitation of the Irish nation. 

The reason of this selection was its peculiar suitableness for the 
purpose of imprisonment. It is, in fact, an island, surrounded (all 
but ten miles) by the Shannon and the sea; and the part not so sur- 
rounded easily made into one line, and the province securely closed 
by the erection of three or four forts. 

On the eastern side of the kingdom will be found a similar scope 
of land, rendered nearly an island by the Boyne and Barrow, and 
the sea. These two rivers, rising within four or five miles of 
one another in the Bog of Allen, and flowing respectively north and 
south, make their issue to tae sea, — one at Drogheda, and the other 
at Waterford, — the distance between their head- waters being at 
the period of the Commonwealth Settlement of Ireland an impas- 
sable bog, except in a few spots, easily secured. The statesmen 
of Henry the Eighth's day projected the closing of this pass, which 
was called the door of the English pale, by building the four castles 
of Kinnefad, Castlejordan, Ballinure, and Kisshavan. They sug- 
gested, also, that the part of this territory lying to the south of Dub- 
lin, as far as Wexford, within the Barrow, should be cleared of all 
Irish within one year, and inhabited at once with twelve thousand 
English planters. 1 

The same plan had been projected, as has been already shown, 
about 140 years before, by King Richard II., who compelled the 
Kavanaghs and other Irish to engage to transplant, and win for 
themselves other homes beyond the Barrow. 

This project was now again revived; and it was suggested to 
clear the entire country within the Boyne and the Barrow, in order 
that the new English planters might enjoy security upon their allot- 

" There would thus be (says the author of this project) a pure Eng- 
lish plantation, without any mixture at all of Irish as tenants or servants, 
in the scope of land compassed by the Boyne and the Barrow ; a pure Irish 
plantation, already determined, on the west side of the Shannon ; the rest 
of the nation to consist of a mixt plantation of English landlords and mas- 
ters, with a permission of Irish tenants and servants, being only such as 
were not included within the rule of transplantation." 2 

' "Memorial, or a Note for thewynning Papers of H. VIII., paper clxx., vol. 1. 
of Leynster," p. 413. A. D. 1536. State '" England's Great Interest in the Well- 


The greatest part of this country, within the Boyne and the 
Barrow, was already waste, and the Irish generally removed ; it 
was the ancient English pale (it was said), and was 

" The place that proposeth most securitie in case of future troubles, 
it being near England, as before ment a , and surrounded within five miles 
by the sea and two rivers before ment d , which rivers in winter are in 
very few places passable; and in summer the foords there are either soon 
spoiled or guarded, and that little space betwixt the heads of the two 
rivers, a continued fastness through which there is no passage, but through 
such passes as are easily secured with little charge.'" 

But it seems, on final consideration, not to have been thought 
necessary to clear the part of this district lying north of Dublin, 
being a plain, without any of these mountains or other fastnesses 
that gave shelter to Tories. The Government, accordingly, con- 
fined the plan to the five counties lying south of the River Liffey, 
declaring that the counties of Wexford, Wicklow, and Carlow, as 
they are bounded with the Barrow, together with the whole county 
of Kildare, and also that part of the county of Dublin which lieth 
south of the River Liffey, should be cleared of Irish and Papists. 

Lands, however, without people to till them, are of little value ; 
and there arose such remonstrances from the new planters against 
removing their tenants and servants, — who set forth that they were 
necessitated to employ Irish in their tillage and husbandry, to make 
some profit of their lands, which had long lain waste by the rebel- 
lion, — that the Government had to further modify their scheme, and 
to declare, by their order of 1st May, 1655, that to the intent that 
the Protestant proprietors and planters might have time to provide 
themselves with English and Protestant tenants, and in the mean- 
time might have tenants and servants to reap their harvest, they 
would sanction their stay till the 20th of October next following. 
But that they should be such only as should be specially licensed by 
Commissioners appointed for that purpose. And as the late pro- 
prietors had, in many instances, become secretly tenants under the 
soldiers of part of their ancient estates, and were by them sheltered 
from transplantation, no licenses were to be granted to them, nor 
to any Irish that dwelt near woods, bogs, or mountains, or whose 
houses lay scatteringly, not contiguous, or near to other houses. 
And all Irish not licensed were to withdraw on or before the 1st of 
August following, on pain of being dealt with by Court-Ma rtial, 
as spies and enemies, as appears by the Order as follows : — 

planting of Ireland with English people." Cromwell, Commander-in-Chief. Dublin, 
By Colonel R. Lawrence. Addressed to the 1656. Small 4to. 
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Henry ' Id., ib. 


By the Lord Deputy and Council. 

"list May, 1655. 

" Whereas the late Commiss r ' of the Commonwealth of Engl a for the 
Affairs of Ireland by their Declaration of the 17 th July, 1654, taking no- 
tice that through the connivance of transplantable persons in the three 
Provinces of Leinster, Munster, and Ulster, and through the practice con- 
nivance or remissness of other of the Irish Papists dispensed with for 
some time, Tories and loose and dangerous persons have thereby means 
and opportunity to disturb the peace and quiet of the country, especially 
from the great Fastnesses in the C os of Wicklo, Wexford and parts adja- 
cent, whereby nmrthers and Robberies have been committed and done unto 
sev 1 English, and others who had manifested their good affection to the 
English Interest: For remedy thereof and further securing the places 
adjacent to the s d Fastnesses of Wicklo and Wexford the said Commiss™ 
did. then (amongst other things) Order That all that part of the C° of Dub- 
lin that lyeth on the south of the River Liffy and all the co* of Wicklo, 
Wexford, and Kildare and so much of the C° of Catherlagh as lyeth on 
the north side of the River of Barrow should be wholly transplanted of 
Irish Papists by the 1" day of May 1655, of which the said Irish Papists 
therein inhabiting were required to take Notice and to prepare themselves 
for a remove accordingly ; And if any Irish Papists should without spe- 
cial licence from two or more of the Commissioners in the s d Declaration 
named be found within that part of the C° of Dublin which lyeth on the 
south side of the Liffy or any part of the Co" of Wicklo, Wexford, or Kil- 
dare, or in that part of the C° of Catherlagh lying on the north side of the 
River of Barrow after the said first day of May, 1655, they sh d be deemed 
and taken as Spies and accordingly proceeded with at a Court Martial. 

" And whereas several English and Protestants, proprietors and plan- 
ters in the said Co" concerned, have petitioned this Board that in regard 
they are necessitated to employ Irish in their tillage and husbandry 
whereof they make some profit of their lands which have long lyen waste 
by the Rebellion, they might be permitted to continue their Irish tenants 
not being Proprietors, nor men in armes, nor transplantable by the De- 
claration of the 30th November last. Upon Consideration thereof, and 
to the intent that all persons of the Irish nation being Papists inhabiting 
within those limits may have convenient time to remove themselves and 
their families into Connaught and the C° of Ckre ; And the Protestant 
Proprietors and Planters may also have time to provide themselves with 
English and Protestant tenants, and in the meantime may have tenants 
and servants to reap their harvest: The Lord Deputy and Council have 
thought fitt and ordered and do hereby ORDER AND DECLARE That 
all persons of the Popish Religion which shall be found inhabiting within 
that part of the C° of Dublin that lyeth on the south side of the Liffy, and in 
any part of the Co 8 of Wicklow, Wexford and Kildare, and so much of the 
C° of Catherlagh as lyeth on the north side of the River of Barrow, other 
than such as shall be licensed by the Persons hereafter named, do by or 
before the first day of August next remove themselves and families out of 
the said limits, and in default thereof that the said Persons be proceeded 


against at a Court Martial as Spies, and the Officers of the Army are 
hereby required and authorised to proceed against them accordingly. And 
it is further Ordered that the persons hereafter named or any two or more 
of them respectively be, and are hereby impowered and authorized to give 
licence for the stay of such Irish tenants and servants of Protestants as 
the said Protestants shall by or before the first day of August next pre- 
sent or name unto them, viz., for the counties of Dublin and Wicklo — 
Sir Hardress Waller, Coll. Hewson, the Mayor of Dublin, Coll. Theophilus 
Jones, Coll. Ponsonby, Alderman Hutchinson, William Dixon, Esq., Alder- 
man Tygh. For the C° of Wexford— L 1 Coll. Brett, IJ Coll. Puckle, IS 
Coll. Overstreet, Capt" Abel Warren, Capt" Camby, Mr. Hussey. For the 
C of Kildare — Sir Paul Davis, Sir Rob' Meredith, Sir John Hoey, Coll. 
Hewson, Coll Theophilus Jones, Alderman Hutchinson, Alderman Tygh, 
Major Meredith, Major Morgan, Mr. Dixon, Bob' Hall, Gent., Capt" Sands. 
And for the C° of Catherlagh— Coll. Pretty, Capt" Barnett, Capt" Stopford, 
Capt" Preston, William Rydout, Gent. 

" Provided that the licences by virtue hereof to be granted exceed not 
the 20th of October next, and that every such licence describe the name, 
age, stature, colour of haire, complexion, relation, and place of residence, 
of each person licenced as above said which shall be above the age of 
sixteen years: Provided also that no Licences be granted to any Person 
whose habitation shall be or is within one English mile of any Woods, 
Boggs, or Mountains that are fastnesses and places of Eefuge where the 
Tories or Eebels have or may betake themselves to lurk and ly hid. But 
if such persons being Irish Papist Recusants shall be found dwelling in or 
near those Woods, Boggs, or Mountains, or within one mile thereof then 
this and every of them shall be taken and punished as Spies notwithstand- 
ing any licence granted as abovesaid : Provided also that no Licences be 
granted to any Persons whose houses or habitations ly scatteringly and 
not contiguous or near to other houses, But to such onely as do or shall 
live in Townships or Villages near adjoining to other houses and inhabi- 
tants in the same Town or Village whereby they may the better defend 
themselves against the Tories and Rebels, or by due watches give timely 
notice of the coming and approach of Irish Tories and Rebels from time 
to time: Provided further that no Licences shall be granted by Virtue 
Hereof to any Persons transplantable by the Declaration of 20 th Nov'last: 
And it is lastly Ordered that all and every Irish Papist which after the 3* 
20 th of October 1655 shall be found inhabiting within the s a limits with- 
out special licence from the Lord Deputy and Councell shall be taken and 
proceeded against as Spies at a Court Martial — Whereof all Officers whom 
it doth or may concern are to take notice. 

" Provided, Also that the Licence to be granted by virtue of this Declara- 
tion doth not nor shall extend to the permitting any Irish to reside or dwell 
within two miles of the City of Dublin. 

" Dated at Dublin the twenty first day of May 1655. 

" Tho* Herbert, 

"Clerk of the Councell. 


" Ordered by the Lord Deputy and Councell that this Declaration be 
forthwith Printed and published. 

" Tho" Herbert, 

" Clerk of the Councel." 

Dublin: Printed by William Bladen, 1655. 1 

This, however, was only a temporary suspension ; but the offi- 
cers and soldiers who had their allotments in these counties engag- 
ing for their Irish tenants and servants that they should become 
Protestants under their care, the Government consented that such 
of the Irish as should conform within six months, and of whose real 
conversion they could be satisfied, and such only, should be wholly 
dispensed with from transplantation, and be permitted to reside 
within the district. This privilege, however, was not to extend to 
any proprietor, or to any of his sons or brothers, or next heirs, nor 
to such as had borne arms in the Irish party. 

As an evidence of the candid and ingenuous compliance of the 
Irish with being instructed in the true Protestant religion, all of 
them dwelling within four miles of any public meeting-place where 
the Gospel was preached were to come to hear the Word every 
Lord's day; if within six miles, every other Lord's day, at least ; and 
if at further distance, once in every month. And they were "to 
bring their children to be catechized by the minister, and to cause 
them to learn in the English tongue the catechism without book, 
which the said minister should teach." 

For it was part of the conditions that all the Irish between 
twelve years of age and twenty that spoke only Irish should learn 
English within a year, and that all parents and guardians should 
teach it to their children before they came to twelve years of age. 
Further, they were to conform to the English habit. 2 

The conditions were, in fact, such, though not quite so rigorous 
as had been suggested as necessary for the Irish to observe, that 
should live in the third or mixed plantation before spoken of, as 
proposed for the rest of the country, not included in the two sepa- 
rate plantations of Irish and English ; the one, pure Irish, already 
formed within the line of the Shannon ; the other, pure English, 
projected within the line of the rivers Barrow and Boyne. 

The conditions for this mixed plantation were — 

" lstly. That they [the Irish] be enjoined within a convenient time li- 
mited to speak the English tongue; and, for the future, to teach their 
children no Irish. 

1 Book of Printed Orders and Declara- British Museum, 
tions of the Council for the Affairs of Ireland, 2 " The Great Interest of England in the 

formerly belonging to Lieutenant-General Well-Planting of Ireland with English," 

Lord Deputy Fleetwood. Preserved in the p. 39. 


" 2ndly. That they do also observe the manners of the English in their 
habits and other civil deportment wherein the English exceed them. 

" 3rdl y. That they bring up their children under English Protest, school- 
mas ters. 

" 4thly. That they do attend the public preaching of the Protestant Mi- 

"5thly. That they do abandon all their Irish names. — as Teig and 
Dermot, &c, and do call themselves by the signification of such names in 
English ; and do for the future name all their children with English names, 
especially omitting the (o') and (m c ). 

"6thly. That so far as their abilitie will afford it, they be enjoined to 
build their houses with chimnies, as the English in like capacitie do, and 
to demean themselves as to their houses, lodgings, and other deportments 
accordingly." 1 

These two latter conditions, it may be observed, were not in- 
sisted on in the plantation within the Boyne and Barrow, probably 
at the planters' request. 

The Tories, however, notwithstanding all these provisions and 
precautions, continued to infest the new Scotch and English settlers 
during the whole of the Commonwealth period ; they survived the 
Restoration ; they received new accessions by the war of the Revo- 
lution and the Forfeitures of 1688 ; and they can be traced through 
the Statute Book to the reign of George III., — during the whole of 
which period there were rewards set upon their heads ; and all their 
murders, maimings, and dismemberments, their robberies and spoils, 
were satisfied by levies on the ancient native inhabitants of the dif- 
ferent districts. 

After the restoration, Col. Poer in Munster, and Col. Coughlan 
in Leinster, dispossessed of their hereditary properties, headed bands 
that gave infinite trouble. Redmond O'Hanlon, a dispossessed pro- 
prietor of Ulster, for many years, during the whole of the Duke of 
Ormond's and the Earl of Essex's Lord Lieutenantcies, kept the 
counties of Tyrone and Armagh in terror — the farmers paying him 
regular contribution to be protected from pillage by other Tories. 
He dwelt principally in the Fews mountains, near Dundalk. No 
rewards were of avail. At last, the Duke of Ormond drawing 
secret instructions for two gentlemen with his own hand (else this 
outlaw would be sure to get intelligence of the plan formed against 
him), he was shot through the heart, while he lay asleep, on the 
25th of April, 1681. Nor would the Duke ever disclose by whose 
information lie was enabled to accomplish his destruction. "Thus 
fell this Irish Scanderbeg," says Sir F. Brewster, who had the re- 
lation of his death from the mouth of one of the gentlemen em- 
ployed by the Duke ; " who did things, considering his means, 
more to be admired than Scanderbeg himself." 2 

' H'id. ' Carti-'s Life of Ormond. Vol. ii., ]\ 512. 


After the war of 1 688, the Tories received fresh accessions ; and 
a great part of the kingdom being left waste and desolate 1 , they 
betook themselves to these wilds, and greatly discouraged the re- 
planting of the kingdom by their frequent murders of the new 
Scotch and English planters; the Irish "chusing rather" (so runs 
the language of the Act) "to suffer stangers to be robbed and de- 
spoiled, than to apprehend or convict the offenders." In order, 
therefore, for the better encouragement of strangers to plant and 
inhabit the kingdom, any persons presented as Tories by the gentle- 
men of a county, and proclaimed as such by the Lord Lieutenant, 
might be shot as outlaws and traitors ; and any persons harbouring 
them were to be guilty of high treason. Rewards were offered for 
the taking or killing of them ; and the inhabitants of the barony, of 
the ancient native race, were to make satisfaction for all robberies 
and spoils 2 . If persons were maimed or dismembered by Tories, they 
were to be compensated by ten pounds ; and the families of persons 
murdered were to receive thirty pounds 3 . 

But a more effective way of suppressing the Tories, as already 
mentioned, seems to have been to induce them to betray and kill one 
another, by offering pardon of all former burglaries and robberies to 
any Tory who should kill two other Tories proclaimed and on their 
keeping 4 — a measure which put such distrust and alarm among their 
bands, that, on finding one of their number killed by a former Tory 
qualifying for pardon, it became so difficult to kill a second, that it 
was declared sufficient to kill one 8 . This act was continued in 1 755 
for twenty-one years, and only expired in 1776. 

Tory-hunting, Tory-betraying, and Tory-murdering, thus be- 
came common pursuits ; and therefore, after so lengthened an ex- 
istence, it is not surprising to find traces of the Tories in our 
household words. Few, however, are now aware that the well- 
known Irish nursery rhymes have so truly historical a foundation: — 

" Ho ! brother Teig, what is your story ? 
I went to the wood, and shot a Tory : 
I went to the wood, and shot another ; 
Was it the same, or was it his brother? 

" I hunted him in, and I hunted him out, 
Three times through the bog, and about and about ; 
Till out of a bush I spied his head, 
So I levelled my gun, and shot him dead." 

i 7, W. III., c. 21 (A. D. 1695). i Ibid. 

2 Ibid. 6 4, G. I., c. 9., s. 13 (A. D. 1717) ; 2 , 

s 9, W. III., c. 9 (A. D. 1697). G. II., c. 8. 


their answer thereunto. Printed and published by order of the said 
Councell, 1 of July, 1648. 

"Kilkenny, 1648." [4to, pp. 16.] 

" A Speech made by the Lord Lieutenant Generall of the Kingdome of 
Ireland, to the Generall Assembly of the Confederate Catholiques at the 
City of Kilkenny, at the conclusion of the Peace. 

" Printed at Corcke, and are to be sold at Eoche's building, without 
South Gate, 1648." [A Broadside]. 

Mr. J. P. Magennis sent an account and drawing of incised pri- 
maeval scorings, found on the sides of a natural cavern, known as 
" The Lettered Cave," on Knockmore Mountain, near the village 
of Derrygonnely in the County of Fermanagh ; some of which resem- 
ble Rhunes, and others seem to be cognate with the incised orna- 
mentation on the stones of the great artificial cave at New Grange, 
County of Meath. Mixed with the ancient scorings were many 
modern markings, the work of visitors to the cavern, so that much 
caution was required to distinguish the genuine ancient scorings. 

The following Paper was then read : — 


(Continued from page 164.) 


But to return to the barony of Idrone. — It would be interesting 
to ascertain how the lands were disposed of, under the orders of the 
Government; but this, from the great destruction of the records 
relating to the allotment of the lands under the Cromwellian rule, 
is, perhaps, impossible. 

Enough, however, remains to show in what manner Colonel 
Walter Bagnal's chief mansion and demesne of Dunleckney was 
dealt with. This came into the possession of John Corbet, a nephew, 
or perhaps nearer relation, of Miles Corbet, Chief Baron, one of the 
Commissioners of Parliament for the affairs of Ireland, who not 
only installed himself in this ancient seat of the Bagnals, but- 
strange, and most unnatural! — brought home Colonel Bagnal's 
orphan daughter, Katharine, to it, as his wife. 

As regards the estate, it is not difficult to understand how John 
Corbet was so fortunate as to obtain so good a settlement as the 


lands of Dunleckney. The counties of Dublin, Kildare, Carlow, 
and Cork, were reserved, as has been already mentioned, for the be- 
nefit of the more immediate friends of the Republican Government; 
and, as was to be expected, the members of the Government were 
not behindhand in appropriating for themselves the finest seats. 

Thus Edmund Ludlow took possession of the Castle of Monks- 
town, near Dublin, the residence of Mr. Walter Cheevers; while 
Cheevers, descended of one of the most ancient and distinguished 
" old English" families of the Pale, — coeval with the first conquest, 
— was at once transplanted with his family to Connaught, where 
they long dragged on a miserable existence, unprovided with a 
proper dwelling, notwithstanding the express request of the 
Government to the Commissioners for setting out lands to the 
Irish in Connaught, " to set him out lands with a convenient house 
upon them, such as might enable him and his family to subsist, and 
render his being comfortable," on the grounds " that he had parted 
with a faire house, and left a considerable estate in the county of 
Dublin." 1 

In like manner, Chief Baron Corbet took possession of Mala- 
hide Castle, six miles to the north of Dublin, the ancestral seat of 
the ancient English family of the Talbots from before the days of 
King John. The Chief Baron's house and family in Dublin, it 
appears, had been visited by the plague in the summer of 1653; 
wherefore, he got an order for Malahide Castle, then in the posses- 
sion of the owner, Mr. John Talbot, ancestor of the present Lord 
Talbot de Malahide, who was ordered instantly to transplant to 
Connaught ; and the Chief Baron, at Christmas, took up his resi- 
dence in Malahide Castle. 2 

i " The Councell for the Affairs of Ire- expectation, having parted with a faire house 
land to the Comm™ for setting out lands and left a considerable estate in this county, 
to the transplanted Irish at Loughrea, "The Councell have commanded me to 
27 Aug'. 1656. remind you of the aforesaid order, and that 
"By order of this Board of 4* of July you do forthwith set out unto the s J . M r . 
last (made upon the Petition of Walter Cheevers soe many acres more within the 
Cheevers late of Moncktowne) you were (for lyne and contiguous or as near as may be to 
the reasons therein expressed) required to the other already sett out as shall in the 
take care that in the setting out unto the s d whole make up 1200a. with a good house 
Walter Cheevers the lands decreed unto him thereupon for his conveniency and comfort- 
by the late Court of Athlone, they should be able subsistance, pursuant and as part of what 
such lands with a convenient house thereon falls due unto him by the aforesaid Decrees 
as might enable him and his family to sub- of the s' 1 Court. 

sist and render his being comfortable; the "Dated at the Councell Chamber in Dub- 

which they doubt not will seasonably re- lin, the 27 Aug'. 1656. 

ceive your care and due observance. Never- " Tho" Heeerrt, Clerk of the Council." — 

theless, upon reading another petition of thes 11 " Orders of Council for the Affairs of Ireland." 

M r . Cheevers setting forth, That pursuant to 2 Upon reading the petition of John Tal- 

the saidorderyouhave only sett him out 600a. bott, stating that he had transplanted accord- 

of land or thereabout, and some conveniency ing to order, also an order of the 20th of 

of a house which dothe not answer either the May, 1654, for a convenient house to be set 

favour intended him by the afe 1 Order or his out to him in Connaught, and praying that 


That Mr. John Corbet, therefore, through the influence of his 
relation the Chief Baron, should get possession of Dunleckney, is 
not surprising. But it certainly is astonishing, and seems most 
unnatural, that he should also get possession of Colonel Bagenal's 
daughter, considering the cruel fate her father met with at the 
hands of Miles Corbet, who, as one of the Government, authorized 
his detention, though a hostage, and rejected his plea, and sanc- 
tioned his execution, thereby causing also her mother's death. It 
is to be remembered, however, that by an order of the Council for 
the Affairs of Ireland, signed by the Chief Baron and the other 
Commissioners, Katharine Bagnal was removed from her friends 
to be placed with some good family in Dublin, where, of course, she 
was within the reach and under the influence of Miles Corbet and 
his family ; and they, in the absence of her brother Dudley at Oxford, 
may have used all the great means at their disposal to effect the 
marriage of their kinsman with Katharine, — a marriage to which 
one might almost apply the lines of the gloomy Danish ballad : — 

" Afar from home they made her wed : 

The man her father's blood had shed 

They made her wed — 

The man her father's blood had shed. 

" It was by a murder foully planned 
My father sank beneath thy hand — 

Foully planned — 
My father sank beneath thy hand. 

" ' None else than Thou my father slew, 
And my distracted mother too — 

My father slew ; 
And my distracted mother too." " 

And one might imagine Katharine Bagnal to triumph, like the 
fierce Danish maiden (who, however, exacted the retribution with 
her own hand) at the bloody punishment meted out, a few years 
later, to the two merciless men — prime instruments in her father's 
and her mother's deaths — being both of them hanged and quartered : 
Axtell, who superintended Colonel Bagnall's execution at Kilkenny, 
being adjudged to death for being " commander of that black guard 

the said order might be confirmed, It is veiling from Connaught to the Co. Dublin, 

ordered that the Commissioners for setting there to continue for such time as they shall 

out lands to the transplanted do set out to judge fitt for the disposinge of his come and 

the said John Talbot lands with the conve- other goods, the s d . John Talbott giving secu- 

niences of a house, &c. rity to returne within the time limited." — Id. 

"5April,1655. — John Talbott of Malahide '"Ancient Danish Ballads, translated 

referred to Colonel Stubbers and Lieut.-Col. from the Originals." By Alexander Prior, 

Brayfield, or either of them, to consider his M. D. 3 vols., 8vo. Leipzig : and Wil- 

petition, and to grant a passe for his safe tra- liams & Norgate, London. 18C0. 


— that cruel and bloody guard," as the Attorney-General called it, 
that surrounded " the High Court of Injustice" 1 that condemned 
the King to die; and Corbet, for being one of the judges of that 
pretended court. 

By an order bearing date the 9th of March, 1656-7, John 
Corbett became tenant to the estate of Dunleckney, and other lands 
in the Co. Carlow, lately belonging to Colonel Walter Bagnal ; 2 
and in the month of December, 1658, he had allowance by way of 
deduction of rent for the sum of £8, in virtue of a set-off he had of 
like amount in respect of a sum of £40 allowed to his now wife, 
Katharine Bagnall, for her maintenance till May, 1658. 3 

And now, having gone through that gloomy period that fol- 
lowed that fatal night of the 23rd of October, 1641, the happier 
era of the Restoration dawns upon young Dudley Bagnal, who, 
more fortunate than the great body of* his friends and countrymen, 
was restored to his estate soon after the King was restored to his 
Crown. Others of equal loyalty obtained decrees of the Court of 
Claims to have back their ancient estates ; but as it was provided 
by the Act of Settlement that the adventurers and soldiers in posses- 
sion under the Commonwealth settlement were not to be removed 
without being first "reprised," that is, provided with another estate 
by the Commissioners — and as the Government officials were in no 
hurry to do this, even if they could have found sufficient lands to 
supply them — the dispossessed owners never were restored, but wan- 
dered, many of them, about their ancient inheritances, living upon 
the bounty of their former tenants. 

These poor Irish peasantry, with a generosity characteristic of 
their race and country, seem never to have refused them hospitality, 
or to have deserted them. The ancient owners " had still such in- 
fluence and respect," says Archbishop King, writing after the Re- 
volution of 1688, " from their tenantry and the Irish generally, that 
they maintained them in idleness and in their coshering manner." 

"These vagabonds," he continues, "reckoned themselves great 
gentlemen, and that it would be a great disparagement to them to 
betake themselves to any calling, trade, or way of industry ; and, 
therefore, either supported themselves by stealing and Torying, or 
oppressing the poor farmers, and exacting some kind of maintenance 
either from their clans or septs, or from those that lived on the es- 

1 " State Trials," vol. v., p. 1147. belonging to his Highness and the Common- 

2 " Upon consideration had of the within wealth in that Co. who are to treate and 
Petition of John Corbett, Esq., desiring to proceed with the Petif for y e premises de- 
become tenant for the lands of Dunleckny, sired according to instructions. 

and other lands in the Co. Catherlagh lately "Dated at Dublin, 9 March 1856-7." — 

belonging unto Colonel Walter Bagnall — " Orders of Council for the Affairs of Ire- 

" Ordered :— That the Petit' do (if he land." 

shall think fitt) make his application to the 3 Books of the Court of Claims (tempore 

Comm rs . appointed to sett and lett the lands Cromwell) in the Exchequer, Ireland. 


tates to which they pretended. And these pretended gentlemen 
(together with the numerous coshering Popish Clergy that lived 
much after the same manner) were the two greatest grievances of 
the kingdom, and more especially hindered its settlement and hap- 
piness." 1 

These were " the pretended Irish gentlemen that will not work, 
but wander about, demanding victuals, and coshering from house to 
house among their fosterers, followers, and others," described in the 
Act of 1707, " for the more effectual suppressing of Tories, &c.,"and 
who were (on presentment of any Grand Jury of the counties they 
frequented) to be seized and sent on board the Queen's fleet, or to 
some of the plantations in America (6 Anne, Ir., cap. ii.). 

The grandfathers of men now alive have described seeing the 
heir or representative of the old forfeiting proprietor of 1688 wan- 
dering about with his ancient title-deeds tied up in an old handker- 
chief, — these, and the respect paid by the peasantry, being the only 
signs that were left him " to show the world he was a gentleman." 3 

One of the best-remembered of these poor, dispossessed gentle- 
men is Edmund Ryan of the Hill — known among the peasantry by 

1 King's " State of the Protestants of Ire- 
land under the Government of King James 
II.," p. 37. 8vo. Dublin. 1730. See 
also "A Tour through Ireland." Dublin: 
1748. P. 147. 

2 In 1663, the House of Commons, then 
composed of adventurers and soldiers, seem 
to have been much afraid of the effects that 
the sight of these memorials of their former 
happiness and dignity might have upon the 
dispossessed proprietors and their families ; 
and, by one of their propositions for more ri- 
gorous proceedings by the Commissioners for 
executing the Act of Settlement, they desired 
that these title-deeds should be taken from 

The following are Sir Audley Mervyn's 
words, when enforcing, as Speaker of the 
Hou3e of Commons, before the Lord Lieute- 
nant, the seventh proposition of the House : — 

"As to that part that desires the writings 
of nocent persons to be left in the Court, it 
cannot work a prejudice to them; for the 
lands being adjudged against them, to what 
purpose will the writings operate in their 
hands? But, Sirs, I correct myself: they 
will have an operation ; and this puts me in 
mind of a plain, but apposite, similitude. 
Sir, in the north of Ireland the Irish have a 
custom in the winter, when milk is scarce, to 
kill the calf, and reserve the skin ; and, stuff- 
ing it with straw, they set it upon four wooden 
feet, which they call a Puchan; and the cow 
will be as fond of this as she was of the living 
calf: she will low after it, and lick it, and give 

her milk down, so it stand but by her. Sir, 
these writings will have the operation of this 
Puchan ; for, wanting the lands to which they 
relate, they are but skins stuffed with straw. 
Yet, Sir, they will low after them, lick them 
over and over in their thoughts, and teach 
their children to read by them, instead of 
horn-books ; and if any venom be left, they 
will give it down upon the sight of these 
Puckan writings, and entaile a memory 
of revenge, though the estate- tail be cut 
off." " The Speech of Sir Audley Mervyn, 
Speaker of the House of Commons in Ireland; 
delivered to James, Duke of Ormond, Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland, the 13th day of Fe- 
bruary, 1662-3, in the Presence-Chamber in 
the Castle of Dublin. Small 4to. Dublin : 
1663." P. 19. 

This Irish custom is reported in Fynes 
Moryson's, " Itinerary," Part III., Book 3, 
chap, v., p. 163. Folio. London. The 
same practice prevails at this day in Tartary, 
where they thus succeed in milking their wild 
cows after taking away the calf. — " Travels 
in Tartary, Thibet, and China, during the 
years 1844, 45, 46." By M. Hue. Trans- 
lated : 2 vols. 12mo. Illustrated London Li- 

The Highlanders of Scotland used this con- 
trivance, and called it a Tulchan ; hence King 
James's bishops were nick-named Tulchan 
Bishops ; to imply that they were officials of 
straw, merely set up as means of milking the 
Scotch people of money in the form of church- 
dues.— P. 201. " The Art of Travel." Bv 


his Irish name of Emmun-a-Knock, — who haunted the neighbour- 
hood of Slew-Phelim, and lies buried in the churchyai'd of Doon, 1 
at present the estate of the Earl of Derby, in the county of Limerick. 
There is a beautiful ode attributed to him, bewailing his being de- 
serted by his mistress, translated by Miss Brooke — 

" Ah ! poor plunder'd heart of pain, 

When wilt thou have an end of mourning ? 
This long, long year I look in vain 
To see my only hope returning. 

" ' Why art thou false to me and love? 

(While health and joy with thee are vanish'd ;) 
Is it because forlorn I rove — 

Without a crime unjustly banish'd ? 

" ' Yet, oh ! hear me fondly swear, — 
Though thy heart to me is frozen, 
Thou alone of thousands fair, — 

Thou alone should'st be my chosen.' " 2 

But Dudley Bagnal, as has been already stated, had a happier 

The county of Carlow having been reserved by the Common- 
wealth from being set out amongst the adventurers and soldiers, 
there was no need of a reprise, nor anything to prevent Dudley 
Bagnal's being restored immediately to his estate. It had been 
let by the Commonwealth Government (as appears by his petition to 
the Court of Exchequer) for £800 a year, part of it at least, to 
John Corbett, as has been already shown, and was, therefore, ac- 
tually in the King's hands, whose receivers were entitled to the 
rents. Dudley Bagnal was not long in obtaining a King's letter 
to the Lords Justices of Ireland to restore him to his estate, which 
is dated the 26th of February, 1660-1 ; and he further presented a 
petition to the Lords Justices, praying to be put into possession of 
it, and to be allowed a recompense for the amount of the half-year's 
rent, which accrued due at Michaelmas (1660), and had been re- 
ceived for the King by the officers of the Exchequer. 

It will not fail to be observed that Dudley Bagenal is stated in 
this letter to have had his eldest brother George " slain in Ireland, 
serving under our authority," of which, however, no other notice has 
been met with ; and that Dudley found means at Oxford, " even 
when hee was a student," of giving early testimony of his zeal to 
the King's service.' 

, 3 

F. Galton. 12mo. Third Edition. London: of Ireland," p. 341. 

I860. 3 See his petition to King James II., where 

1 Lewis's " Topographical Dictionary." he particularizes these acts of his when at Ox - 

' Crofton Croker's " Legends &c, of South ford, infra. 


" King's Letter in favour of Dudley Bagnal. 

" February 26, 1660-1. 
"Chahles R., 

" K*. Trustie and well-beloved Councellors, and R'. Trustie and well- 
beloved Cousins and Councellors wee greete you well. Having taken into 
our consideration the contents of the certificate of our R 1 . trusty and R'. 
entirely beloved cossin and Counsellor James, Marquis of Ormond, Lord 
Steward of our Household, dated the 19"' day of November last in the 
behalf of Dudley Bagnall, sonne and heire to Colonel Walter Bagnall dec' 1 ., 
wherein it appeareth that the said Colonel Walter Bagnall submitted to 
the peace made in Ireland in the year 1646, and wherein he was so instru- 
mental!, that from the time of the Cessation concluded in that kingdom 
until the said yeare, he manifested so far his fidelity to the service of our 
late Father of Blessed Memory that hee kept continual correspondence 
with the said Lord Marquis of Ormond then Lord Lieut* General of that 
our Kingdom in order to the effecting of the said Peace when many others 
opposed the same; and being at that time Governor of the County of Ca- 
therlagh, did secure a stronge passage for the said Lord Lieutenant and 
the party under his comaund 1 , and had then with his wife and children and 
family [retired] with the said Lord Lieutenant to Dublin, and quitted both 
his real and personal estate other than what he could then bring with him ; but 
that in order to our late Father's future service hee was commaunded by 
the s d Lord Lieutenant to remain in the said County where soon after by 
the then prevailing power of the Pope's Nuncio he was dispossessed of the 
garrison that commaunded the said considerable passage called Loughlin 
Bridge, and committed prisoner to the Castle of Kilkenny, all which, not- 
withstanding, he still contributed his utmost endeavours for compassing 
that peace which was concluded by our authority in the year 1648, at 
which time the said Colonel Walter Bagnall served in our army in Ireland 
under the command of our said Lord Lieut', and upon all occasions de- 
meaned himself as courageously and faithfully as any person whatsoever 
and adhered constantly and affectionately to our said Lord Lieutenant 
until his departure out of that kingdom. 

'' And after manifesting the like zeal to our service under the Marquis 
of Clanrickarde and until by the prevailing power of Cromwell, hee with 
others of that Nation were forced to lay down arms ; and after articles of 
warre concluded was by a pretended High Court of Justice perfidiously 
put to death at Kilkenny being then a hostage in the hands of that pre- 
vailinge [power]. 

" In which barbarous proceedinge Colonel Axtell one of the murderers 
of our said Royall Father was a principal contriver and actor as we are 

" Wee have also taken into consideration that Captain George Bagnall, 
eldest brother to the said Dudley Bagnall, was slain in Irel d ., serving under 
our authority ; and that the s d Dudley Bagnall himself hath given early tes- 

1 See supra, p. 37. 
2 A 


timony of his zeal to our service even when he was a student at Oxford. 
Wee may not therefore but bee very sensible of the merits of the said 
Colonel Walter Bagnall and of his children. And how sadd it were that 
a person who hath so carefully looked after the benefitt of our Articles of 
Peace, and so indefatigably endeavoured the conservation thereof to the 
hazard of his life, liberty, and fortune should now bee frustated of the 
mercys and advantages that were intended to derive thereby to our sub- 
jects in general, and especially to that family for whom not only their 
own but the eminent services of their ancestors to our Eoyal Predecessors 
doe highly merit our grace and favour, Sir Nicholas Bagnall and Sir Henry 
Bagnall his son, ancestors to the s<< Dudley Bagnall, Knights Marshall of 
Irel d , having lost their lives in the service of King Edward the Sixth and 
of Queen Elizabeth, and Colonel Dudley Bagnall, great grand father to 
the s d Dudley Bagnall being killed at the head of his party fighting against 
those that were then in [arms] in that kingdom ; insomuch as they may 
justly say from father to son in several discents that they lived and ended 
their days for us and our Royal Predecessors. We have therefore thought 
fitt and it is our will and pleasure that you take speciall care after this 
our Royal Letter and our late Declaration to inform yourselves how and 
in what manner wee may settle such an estate of his Ancestors or other 
lands upon him and his heires as may be equivalent to his father's estate 
and encourage him to continue in the path of an uninterrupted loyalty 
wherein his ancestors heretofore have served our Eoyal Predecessors ; and 
not only to give us particular accompt thereof with all convenient speed, 
but to direct our Comm" appointed for the execution of our Declaration 
of this our Letter to doe what you shall think fitt for the said Dudley 
Bagnall's releefe according to our good intentions towards him, and as 
fully as our said Declaration will any way warrant, wherein you are to 
take especiall notice that wee shall account in you a speciall service to us 
that you effectually provide for him herein. And upon hearing from you 
of your proceedings, which wee require may be with speede, you shall re- 
ceive our further directions if need be of our approbation of your obser- 
vance of this our Command. Given at our Court at Whitehall this 26th 
day of February 1660-1. 

" By His Majesty's command, 

"Edward Nicholas." 

" Directed, 

" To our E l Trustie and Well beloved Councellors, and to our E'. 
Trustie and Well beloved Cossins and councellors our Lords Justices of 
our Kingdom of Ireland, and to our Governour or Cheefe Governours for 
the time being, and to every of them." 1 

The following is the Petition he presented to the Lords Jus- 
tices : — 

1 Book of " Kings' Letters" (A. D. 16C0- Remembrancer of the Court of Exchequer in 
1601), preserved in the office of the Chief Ireland. 


" The humble Petition of Dudley Bagnall Esq., of the Barony of 
Idrone in the County of Catherlough Esq. 

" Sheweth that your Suppliant's estate, descended to him from hi san- 
cestors, lyeth entirely in the Barony of Idrone and C°. of Catherlough and 
not disposed of to the Adventurers or Soldiers: That your Suppliant is 
and always hath been a Protestant according to the principles of the Church 
of England 1 : That he is now in his Majesty's actual service: That by an 
act high of injustice and oppression he was kept out of his Estate, now 
in chardge in His Majesty's Court of Exchequer at £800 per annum, for 
many years past untill His Majesty's happy restoration: That he humbly 
conceives and is informed by his counsel that for the last Michaelmas rent 
of that part of his Estate by your Lordships otherwise disposed of for His 
Majesty's service recompense is of right due unto him. 

" His humble suit unto your Lordships is to issue your order to all 
His Majesty's Officers whom it may concern to restore the Petitioner to 
the actual possession of his said Estate pursuant to the Laws of the land 
and his birthright, and to give order for some recompence for the s d last 
Michaelmas rent to be paid unto him to pay some [debts] in England by 
him incurred in His Majesty's service and thereby so enable him to plant 
and settle his estate : and to order that his Estate be put out of chardge 
as for Michaelmas last. 

" And your suppliant therefore prays your Lordships in order to the 
premises to reflect on his Majesty's Most Gracious and Princely Letters 
in your Suppliant's behalf hereunto annexed, and hereupon prays your 
Lordships that the same be forthwith enrolled in His Majesty's Four 
Courts at Dublin. And he by his trustee and Agent Patrick Darcy — 
[The entry is imperfect]. 2 

Under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, provision was 
made for further securing the rights of Dudley Bagnal, Henry 
Bagnal, and Catherine Oorbett, otherwise Bagnal, so that nothing 
in that Act should prejudice their rights to the estate held by their 
father, Walter Bagnal, on the 23rd of'October, 1641. How thefor- 
feited lands in the barony of Idrone were finally set out, under the De- 
crees of the Court of Claims, established by those Acts, will appear in 
the transcript from the Boole of Distributions, inserted in the Appen- 
dix to this Paper,No. I. — the first column of which shows who was 
the former proprietor who forfeited the lands ; and the last, the names 
of those to whom the lands were awarded under the Decrees of the 
Court of Claims. 

But this long series of forfeitures is not yet complete. We have 
considered the forfeiture and projected clearance of this territory of 
Idrone, with the adjacent districts within the line of the Barrow, 
by King Bichard II. ; the renewal of the project in King Henry 

1 Yet his name is attached to "The Faith- of King James the Second's Irish Army," 

ful Remonstrance of the Roman Catholic p. 7. 8vo. Dublin. 1855. 
Nobility and Gentry of lrel J ," presented to 2 Book of "Kings' Letters," office of the 

King Charles II. in 1661. Dalton's "List Chief Remembrancer. 


the Eighth's day ; its partial execution in King James the First's 
reign ; the Commonwealth Settlement, in which it was carried out ; 
the Restoration Settlement has been last in hand ; there remains 
the Revolution Settlement, or the " Forfeitures of 1688." 

At the time of the accession of James II., Dudley Bagnal had 
been in possession of his estates about five-and-twenty years. In 
1668 he had married Anne Mathew, of Thomastown, in the county 
of Tipperary, and in the year 1688 was the father of a family of eight 
children. He was now in the fiftieth year of his age ; and peace and 
quiet must have been doubly dear to him, from the recollection of 
all the calamities entailed upon himself and his family by the civil 
war of 1641. 

It might be expected that, on the sounding of the trumpet for a 
fresh civil war, he would have pleaded, if he might, his former suffer- 
ings ; and have asked permission to abide the eventin quiet — a specta- 
tor of the fight, and no partaker. Others, who were younger, and 
had not felt the smart, might take their turn. But in civil war there 
can be no neutrals. Dudley Bagnal, therefore, like his father, took 
up arms for King James, even though the King was rejected by his 
subjects in England. The risks might be desperate ; the rightful 
cause might become at length the wrong ; but had he not seen the 
dynasty restored, and found loyalty recompensed in his own person? 

Dudley Bagnal, too, was not without ambition. Among the 
Ormond Papers at the Bodleian Library, there is preserved a peti- 
tion he presented to King James II., on his ascending the throne, 
praying for a place at Court, and which, as setting forth some cu- 
rious incidents in his chequered career, is here given. It bears no 
date ; but contains internal evidence of the period when it was pre- 

" To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. The humble Petition of 
Dudley Bagnall Esq. 

" Sheweth, that your Petitioner addressed himself early to your Majesty 
at a time he thought your Majesty might have occasion to prove the loyalty 
of your most stanch and best subjects: That his proffer proceeded, not 
from any manner of ostentation, but from his fervour, and the assurances 
he drew from his fortune and friends, and the full resolution he had of 
performing, which was very well grounded. 

" That His Grace the Duke of Ormond is well acquainted with the 
character of your Petitioner's ancestors, and of their merits, sufferings, and 
services: That he had several tryalls of Colonel Walter Bagnall's, both 
against the Nuncio and Cromwell, till finally the said Colonel, your Peti- 
tioner's father, being a hostage of warr, was barbarouslv executed at Kil- 
kenny in the year 1652, by order of the Usurpers. 

" That as your Petitioner was upon all occasions, so will he ever be 
ready to imitate the zeal of his said ancestors' hereditary loyalty ; and being 
a student at Oxford was engaged in several risings which were to be for 


his late Majesty's Restoration, as did appear by certificate formerly pro- 
duced, after which he was a volunteer in the first Dutch warr along with 
Coll. James Porter: That likewise (with his Grace the Duke of Ormond's 
permission) he was obliged in the time of the pretended Popish Plott to 
fly into France, where he lived some yeares with his wife, children, and 

" That your Petitioner merely from the motive of his ambition to be 
employed in your Majesty's service covetts extremely to be of your Ma- 
jesty's ffamily and attendance in what qualitie your Majesty shall think 
fitt, all which is the humble request of your Petitioner, 

" Who will ever pray for your Majesty's prosperitie." 1 

On the 1st of May, 1689, he was returned a representative, with 
Henry Luttrell, in King James the Second's Irish Parliament, for 
the county of Carlow. He was appointed Lord Lieutenant of the 
county, and had command of a Regiment of Infantry. On the 18th 
of June, 1690, his regiment was stationed at Dundalk (as appears 
by Captain George Gaffney's Autograph Memorandum Book 2 ), and 
furnished a guard to defend the Moyry Pass (the gate of Ulster), 
against the advance of King William from Dundalk. But King 
James having retired southwards, with the view of defending the 
passage of the Boyne, we find his regiment — on the 24th of June, 
the day-week before the famous battle — encamped at Cookestown, 
near Ardee, where were, in the second line on the right, Lord 
Clare's, Sunderland's, and Parker's regiments of horse ; and Ha- 
milton's, Lord Meath's, Sir Michael Creagh's, Mac Gillicuddy's, 
O'Brien's, Bagnall's, and Lord Tyrone's regiments of foot. 3 

After the rout, or " breach of the Boyne," of course, all was lost ; 
and his great estate in the barony of Idrone was again forfeited. 
By an Inquisition of Office, as it is called, held at Carlow on the 
8th of December, 1690, before the King's Escheator of the Province 
of Leinster, by virtue of a Commission from King William and 
Queen Mary, to inquire of what crimes Dudley Bagnal was attainted, 
and of what lands and goods he was seised at the time of his at- 
tainder, it is found — 

" Thatthe said Dudley Bagnal and other false traitors and rebels against 
the said King and Queen, compassing to deprive them of their government 
of the Kingdom of Ireland, traitorously assembled themselves and made 
an insurrection on the 1" of May, in the first year of their reign, being ar- 
rayed in warlike array with banners, swords, cannon, and other weapons, 
as well offensive as defensive. 

"And that the said Dudley Bagnal after the said l !t of May was " locum 
tenens (Anglice Leivetennant)" of the county of Catherlagh aforesaid, and 

'Carte MSS. D. O. Ireland. Vol. i. 2 " Transactions of the Kilkenny Archaeo- 

(Folio), p. 195, preserved in the Bodleian logical Society," vol. iii., p. 170. 
Library, Oxford. "Id., ib. 


one of the Commons assembled in a pretended Parliament held at the King's 
Inns, in the city of Dublin, in the aforesaid month of May, and the said 
Dudley Bagnal with other traitors there assembled, as far as in him lay 
traitorously made divers ordinances in subversion of this Kingdom of Ire- 
land, and in destruction of the Protestant religion of this Kingdom of 
Ireland, of which several treasons the said Dudley Bagnal was attainted 
on the 12 th of February in the year aforesaid." 

The Inquisition proceeds to find that Dudley Bagnal was seised 
of the lands in the barony of Idrone, as heretofore enumerated, 
which by means of this finding were, thereupon, confiscated, and 
vested in the King and Queen. 

But the Inquisition further finds that Dudley Bagnal was also 
entitled to an estate in remainder, in all the great estates of the 
Bagnal family in the county of Down. It sets forth that Arthur 
Bagnal, late of Newry, in the county of Down, being seised of all 
these estates in Easter term, in the ninth year of the reign of King 
Charles the First (A. D. 1634) levied a fine, and settled the estates, 
in case of his dying without male issue, to Griffin Bagnal, his second 
brother, and his heirs male ; and in default, to his third brother, 
John, and his heirs male ; in default, remainder to the daughters 
of the said Arthur in tail male ; in default to Nicholas Bagnal, son 
of Dudley Bagnal, and his heirs male ; remainder to George Bagnal, 
second son of the said Dudley Bagnal, and his heirs male ; that the 
said George was father of Walter, and grandfather of Dudley, which 
said Dudley, as son and heir of Walter, son and heir of George, was 
seised at the time of his attainder of the remainder aforesaid ; by- 
reason whereof, and by virtue of the attainder aforesaid, the said 
King and Queen, according to the laws of this Kingdom of Ireland, 
are entitled in right of their Crown to the remainder aforesaid. 

This, however, was only an expectancy, and never took effect 
in possession ; for Arthur Bagnal had an heir, through whom the 
Down estates were derived to two heirs female, from one of whom 
the Newry, Green Castle, and Mourne estates passed to Lord Kil- 
morey, who is now in possession; while those in Louth passed to 
the Marquis of Anglesea, who sold them in the Incumbered Estates' 
Court, within the last two years. The Inquisition runs thus:— 

" Inquisitio indentata capta apud Catherlagh in comitatu Catherlagh 
in 8"° die Decembris, A. D. 1690, coram Edmundo Jones Deputat. Es- 
caetor Provincial Lagenia? et Ricardo Forster Arm Escaetor Prov. Lage- 
nise et Johanne Brown Arm" virtute Commissionis Dom. Regis et Re- 
ginse Gulielmi et Maries huic inquisitioni annexatai praefato Ricardo For- 
ster vel deputato suo et prefato Johanni Brown et aliis sive aliquibus 3 vel 
2 eorum quorum prajfatus Escaetor aut ejus deputatus unum esse debet 
extra curiam predictam Domini Regis et Regina? Scacarii sui Hibernire 
apud Le Foure Courtes Dublin directat* ad inquirendum quibus die 
et anno vel diebus et annis et de quo vel de quibus Crimine vel crimini- 


bus Dudleius Bagnall attinctus fuit et de quibus terris et tenementis et de 
quo annuo valore ultra reprisas praadictus Dudleius Bagnall seisitus vel 
possessionatus fuit et de quibus bonis et catallis debitis juribus aut 
creditis idem Dudleius Bagnall tempore perpetrationis criminis seu 
attincturse preedictse vel aliquis alius sive aliqui alii ad usum suum 
possessionatus sive seizitus fuit vel fuere in usu vel possessione vel 
reversione seu remanerio, &c, per sacramentum proborum et legalium 
hominum comitatus prasdicti quorum nomina subsequentur, &c, Qui 
jurati, &c, dicunt quod dictus Dudleius Bagnall in commissione prse- 
dicta mentionatus et alii falsi traditores et rebellatores contra dictum 
Dominum Eegem et Eeginam Deum pree oculis suis non habentes nee 
debitam ligeantiam suam considerantes sed instigatione diabolica seducti, 
imaginantes et compassantes prsedictum Dominum Eegem et Eeginam de 
legali stylo et regimine et potestate Eegni sui Hiberniaa deturbare ac gu- 
bernatione ejusdem regni pro voluntatibus et libertatibus mutare et al- 
terationem vi et armis, viz., Vexillis, gladiis ferreis, tormentis sive bom- 
bardis et aliis armaturis tarn defensivis quam invasivis modo guerrino ar- 
mati et arreati 1° die Maii anno regni dicti Eegis et Eeginse primo ad 
intentionem infandessimam prasdictum exigendam et perimplendam seip- 
si false et proditorie cum magna multitudine publicorum inimicorum 
dictum Eegem et Eeginam regni sui Hibernia? insimul insurrexere como- 
vere, assemblavere, et universe ad bellum crudelissimum contra dictum 
Dominum Eegem et Eeginam ad tunc false hostiliter rebelliose et proditorie 
paravere et levavere contra ligientiam suam debitam in magnum pericu- 
lum personarum dicti Domini Eegis et Eeginse contra pacem, &c. Quod- 
que pra?dictus Dudleius Bagnall post praadictum l m diem Maii fuit Lo- 
cum tenens (Anglice Leivetenant) comitatus praadicti Catherlagh, nee non 
unus Communium assemblatorum in pretenso Parliamento tento apud 
King's Inns in Civitate Dublinie in mense Maii anno supra dicto et 
quantum in ipso Dudleius Bagnall fuit cum diversis aliis proditoribus ad 
tunc et ibidem assemblatis rebelliose et proditorie fecit diversas ordina- 
ciones in subversione legum hujus regni Hibernise et in destructionem 
Protestantis Eeligionis hujus regni Hibernia? de quibus quidem separali- 
bus proditionibus dictus Dudleius Bagnall attinctus fuit 12° die Fob. anno 
supradicto prout per recordum in Evidencia ostensum magis plane liquet 
et apparet, &c." 

The lands of which Dudley Bagnal was then seised are enu- 

By another Inquisition of equal date, the jury find — 

" Quod Arthurus Bagnal nuper de Le Newry in comitatu Downe Ar- 
miger defunctus in vita, sua seisitus fuit in dominio suo ut de feodo suo 
de et in Maneriis Villis et Terris de Newry et Green Castle in Comitatu 
Downe ac de et in piscatura aquarum de Feddan ac de et in advocationi 
Ecclesia? de Newry, et in Manerio villa et terra de Omee et Carlingford 
ac Piscatura rivulorum de Carlingford in Comitatu Lovidiaa Ac de et in 
villa et terra de Glanree, &c, Mayassee alias Faddam, Ballybrin, Drom- 
loghane, alias Ballaghone, alias Ballaghon, Tannamore, alias Tanonagh- 
more, Ballyclone, Drughbally, Balleagh, Carraghbally, Ballykerrin, 
Balleongna, alias Ballyballeegan, Dromonlyvally, alias Drummin et le 


Vally. Ac de et in libera piscatura in rivulo sive aqua de Glenree in co- 
mitatu Ardmagh.'" 

But the forfeitures of 1688 were, in one respect, far less severe 
than those of 1653. Those who were engaged in the war of the 
Revolution forfeited only for themselves ; while those in remainder, 
if they had taken no part, were allowed to claim their estates. Un- 
der the Cromwellian Government, the whole famil) r , and all who 
were entitled in reversion orexpectancy, were swept offto Connaught. 

At the time of Dudley Bagnal's marriage in 1668, a settlement 
took place of the estates, by which they were entailed on the eldest 
son of the marriage, subjectto a jointure, and to£5000for the younger 
children. So that Dudley Bagnal could only forfeit his life estate ; 
and as Walter, his eldest son, was fortunately too young to take 
up arms with his father, his prospects were not sacrificed. 

But still the whole family would have been utterly destitute 
during Dudley Bagnal's lifetime, only for the pity King William 
III. felt for such great misfortune as seemed continually to befall this 
Idrone branch of the Bagnals. He accordingly made an allowance 
out of the family estate, which had come into his hands under the 
forfeiture, of £400 a year to Dudley Bagnal's wife, during the life 
of her husband, in order to support their numerous family, — being 
equivalent to the amount of jointure she would be entitled to under 
the settlement, at her husband's death. They ran a very great risk, 
however, of losing even this small provision for their necessities. 

The prodigal donations of forfeited estates made by King Wil- 
liam III. to his favourites and to foreigners created so much discon- 
tentin England — where the recollection of the Commonwealth mode 
of dealing with Irish lands, of setting them out after the old Roman 
way among the victorious legions for their reward, was not forgot- 
ten — that the Parliament, in the year 1700, passed an Act of Resump- 
tion 2 , which avoided all royal grants of land made after the 13 th of 
February, 1688-9; and, by an act passed in 1703, directed that 
they should be sold by public cant to the highest bidder, discharged 
of all estates or claims, except such as should be proved and allowed 
by the Commissioners at their court, appointed to sit at Chichester 
House, in College-green, the proceeds to be applied to discharge the 
arrears of pay due by debentures to the officers for service under 
King William in the wars of France and Ireland. 

In the act of 1703, however, there was a saving, or proviso, that 
it should not be construed to make void the grant made by the 
King for the subsistence of the wife and children of Dudley Bag- 

1 The jury then find that the said Arthur Trevor, Knt., of all the premises aforesaid, 

Bagnal, together with Sir Edward Trevor, to the uses in the fine as specified at p. 

Knt., levied a fine in Easter term, in the 182, supra. "Inquisitions" of C° Carlow, 

ninth year of Charles I., before the Justices 1 and 2 W. & M. 5 Court of Exchequer 

of the* Common Pleas, the Right Hon. of Ireland 
Thomas Viscount Savage, and Sir Richard * 11th and 12th Wm. III., c. ii.. Engl. 


nal 1 , and she was accordingly allowed this charge ; and the eldest 
son, Walter, was enabled to prove his title to the family estates in 
remainder after his father's death, and the younger children their 
charges of £5000.* 

Amongst the claims, the following 3 were allowed and established 
against Dudley Bagnal's estate : — 

The Estate or In- 
terest claimed. 

By what Deed or 

On what Landi. 

County and! Late Propri- 
Barony. etor. 

Walter Bag- 

Remainder in 
fee for life and to 
issue male'Hn tail 
in reversion after 
a jointure and 
term of 500 years 
for sister's por- 

Anne, the 
wife of Dud- 
ley Bagnall, 

Sir Gervas 
Clifton, Bart 

Bagnal and 
others, the 
younger chil 
dren of Dud- 
ley Bagnal, 
John Butler, 
surviving ex 
ecutor of 
Walter But- 
ler and Sir 
Gervas Clif- 
ton, Bart., 
for Dame 
Anne, his 

£400 a year dur- 
ingher husband's 
life. A jointure 
after his death. 

£2000 portion 
and interest with 
Dame Anne his 

£6000, for their 
portions, besides 
maintenance and 
with remainders 
in tail to them 

By deeds of Leaseand 
Release, dated 4th and 
5th March, 166a Wit- 
nesses, John Bryan, — 
Arther, PA Power, J". 
Morris. Bydeeds of feoff- 
ment, dated 17th May, 
1668. Witnesses, Justin 
M'Carty, Hen. Bagnall, 
Ed. Butler, John Bour- 
den, Dennis Connery, 
Thomas Prendergrass. 
Deeds of Lease and Re- 
lease, dated 16th and 
17th October, 1688. Wit- 
nesses, Martin Folkes, 
Andrew Carr, Rd Collins 
Ed. Tonson. 

By a Saving clause in 
the late Act. 

By deeds of Settle- 
ment in the year 1668, 
and 1688. Witnesses, 
Justin M'Carty, Henry 
Bagnall, Edward Butler, 
John Bryan, R. Power, 
Martin Folkes, And" 
Ker, et al. 

By Articles of Agree- 
ment dated 16th July, 
1687. Witnesses, Ed. 
Burdett, Adam Col- 
clough, Rd. Pepper. 

By Lease and Release 
bearing date the 16th 
and 17th of October, in 
the 4th of the late King. 
Witnesses, John Bryan, 
Richard Power, Martin 
Folkes, et al. 

[Ballymoon ?] 
Ballylow, Old- 
town, Down- 

Co. Cather- Dudley Bag 
lagh. nal. 


Same entry as above. 

The forfeited 
lands of Dud- 
ley Bagnal 

I Old Town. 


All the lands. 

Co. Cather- 

Co. Gather- 

Co. Cather- 

Dudley : 

Dudley Bag- 

Dudley Bagnal, however, unable possibly to endure the sight of 
his native land, associated in his mind with so many miseries, or 

> 1 Ann. St. i., c. 32, Engl. 

2 11th and 12th Wm. III., c. ii. (Engl.) 
sect. 53. 

3 " A List of the Claims, as they are en- 
tered with the Trustees at Chichester House, 

2 is 

in College Green, Dublin, on or before 10th 
August, 1700." Folio. Dublin. " Printed 
by Joseph Ray; and are to be sold by Patrick 
Campbell, bookseller, Skinner-row, 1701." 
-In the Library of the King's Inns, Dublin, 


perhaps fearing the consequences of his attainder, retired to spend 
the sad remnant of his days in Flanders, where he died in exile, in 
the city of Bruges, on the 27 th July, 1712. 

In reviewing this detail of events occurring in the course of one 
century in connexion with the history of one family, and confined 
to a single barony in Ireland, there is presented a striking illustra- 
tion of the consequences following the kind of agrarian laws under 
which landed property in Ireland fell to be dealt with — the barony 
of Idrone having been, in little moi'e than that short period, thrice 
confiscated — first, under Sir Peter Carew's proceedings, in the year 
1568 ; next, under the laws of the Parliament of the Commonwealth, 
in 1654; and, lastly, under the attainders and forfeitures of 1688. 
And though the final loss remained with the displanted Irish, who, 
dispossessed and impoverished, perished from their native homes — so 
that the ancient places thereof knew them no more, or sank with their 
families from the rank of chieftains and gentlemen, into the grade 
of mere potato-diggers and turf-cutters, hired labourers of strangers 
on the lands they once owned as lords — yet those by whom they 
were supplanted were not themselves exempt from a long bede-roll 
of calamities. 

Looking first upon Dudley Bagnal's line, that line which sup- 
planted the Kavanaghs in Idrone, what do we find ? Dudley, the 
first purchaser, the founder of his line, murdered by his Irish ten- 
antry ; Sir Henry Bagnal, his eldest brother, Marshall of the 
English army, defeated, routed, and slain by the Irish under 
Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, who (to increase the affliction), was 
Sir Henry's brother-in-law — his youngest sister, Ursula, having run 
off with that Irish hero, and married him, in spite of all Sir Henry's 
efforts to prevent it. Colonel Walter Bagnal, Dudleigh's grandson, 
" bulletted alive" 1 by the Republicans; and the estates of this 
Englishman, at little more than three removes, confiscated in the 
Doomsday Book of Ireland as those of an " Irish Papist," — his wi- 
dowed wife heart-broken, dying bereft of reason ; her eldest son, 
George, slain fighting against the cruel foes of his family and coun- 
try ; her two other orphan sons separated, and brought up under 
Puritan guardianship ; her daughter, through the corrupt arts of her 
father's and mother's murderer, Chief Baron Corbet, married to his 
nephew, who occupies their ancestral halls. 

At length, we find Dudley restored to this hereditary estate, 
only to be driven thence in terror with his family to Franee, to 
escape the dangers of the fanatical fury of the period of the Popish 
Plot. He returns from this retreat to be again driven from his estate 
for ever, and to be reduced to live the end of his chequered life, as he 
had lived the beginning, on the doles dealt out in pity by the power 

1 See Appendix No. II., infra, for some nal's death, discovered after the above was 
interesting details relative to Sir Walter Bag- in type. 

To face p.m. 


Marshal-General of the Vice- 
regal Army in Ireland, and 
knighted in 1566 (Carew MSS. 
p. 621); d. 1890. 

Ellen, d. and co-heiress of 
Edward Griffith of Pen- 
rhyn, N. Wales. 

Sir Hubby Baqenal 
Knight, made Mar- 
shal in room of his 
father, M?yl3, 1583 
(Lib. Mun., part ii. 
p. 109); bom 1556; 
killed at the Battle 
of the Blackwater, 
county of Armagh, 

Eleanor, d. of 




Frances, wife of 

Sir John Sa- 


d. s. p. 

d. s.p. 

Oliver Plunket, 

vage of Rock - 

Lord Louth, d. 
Mar. 5, 1607. 

Catherine, d. of Patrick Nangle 
Baron of Navan. 

d. 1643. 

Magdalen, d. of Sir Richard Trevor 
of Trevalyon, Denbighshire. 




Mart, wife of Sir 

Sir Robert = 

Eleanor = 

Thomas Needham, 

d. s. p. 

d. s. p. 

d. s. p. 

Jas. Bodwell of 

ry, knt. 

of Shenton in 
Cheshire, Esq. 

Nicholas = Lady Anne, d. of Earl of Ailesbury. 
d. 1712, s. p. Secondly — Sidney, d. of Sir Robert 
Grosvenor of Eaton, Chester. 

Nicholas, by his Will dated November 13, 1708 
(therein styled " Nicholas Bagenal of Place New- 
ith, in the county of Anglesey"), devised his lands 
to his worthy cousins, Edward Baylie of Gorsenen, 
county of Caernarvon, and Robert Needham, Esq. , 
then at Jamaica, and their heirs for ever. 

3rd and 4th February, 1715.— A partition, under 
which Baylie took the Louth estates and undivided 
moiety of some townlands in the county of Down 
(sold in the Incumbered Estates Court, Marquis 
of Anglesey, owner, in 1857, for 22,000*.), and 
Needham took the Down estate. 

4 Geo. II. (A. D. 1730.— A Private Act, for ex- 
emplifying the Will of Nicholas Bagenal, and 
directing that the exemplification of the Will be 
taken notice of in all Courts, as the original re- 
cites that said Edward Baylie and Sir Robert 
Needham are both heirs-at-law and devisees. 

Robert Needham = Mary, d. o: 
Henry Harto 
of Surrey, Es 

Walter = 

= Elizabeth Plunkett, 


of Dunleckney ; 

daughter of Chris- 

put to death by 

topher Roper, Lord 

High Court of 

Teynham ; widow of 

Justice at Kil- 

John Plunkett of 

kenny, Octo- 


ber, 1652. • 

Captain George 
B., eldest son ; 
slain in Ireland 
in the King'sser- 
vice (see King's 
Letter of Feb., 
1660-1, supra, p. 

Anne, only d. of = Dudley ■ 
Edward Butler d. July 27, 

of Ballyragget, 1712, at 
Co. Kilkenny, Bruges in 
Esq. Flanders. 

Anne, d. of J. 

Mathew of 


Henry, d. 

in Dublin, 

Dec. 17, 


Walter ■ 
b. 1671, 
d. 1745. 

Eleanor, d. of John 
Beauchamp, of Bal- 
lyloughan, Co. Car- 
low, Esq. 

Nicholas, d. at 
St. Renard in 

Flanders, s. p. 


* See the Letters of Sir Hen 
ment and marriage ( " Journal " 


Marshal- General of the Vice- 
regal Army in Ireland, and 
knighted in 1566 (Carew MSS. 
p. 621); d. 1590. 

Ellen, d. and co-heiress of 
Edward Griffith of Pen- 
rhyn, N. Wales. 

Sib Ralph Bagenal 
a Privy Councillor ; 
signed an Order in 
1552 for preserva- 
tion of Irish Records 

' Two other Brothers, 
sleyne at Bullogne" 
(Carew MSS., p. 

Sib Samdel Bagenal, a Colonel 
in Queen Elizabeth's army in 
Ireland (Fynes Moryson's Iti- 
nerary, Ireland, pp. 25, 42). 

d. s.p. 

Frances, wife of 
Oliver Plunket, 
Lord Louth, d. 
Mar. 5, 1607. 

Catherine, d. of Patrick Nangle «= Dudley 3 
Baron of Navan. 

Iagenal — Mabel, d. of G. Fitzgerald 
of Ticroghan Castle, Co. 
of Meath (Carew MSS., 
p. 635). 

Mary, wifeof Sirlatk. 

Barnewal of Grace - 
dieu, knt. 

of Sir C 
pher PI 



Mart, wife of Sir 
Jas. Bodwell of 

Sir Robert = Eleanor = Thomas Needham, 


ry, knt. 

of Shenton in 

Cheshire, Esq. 

Anne == Lewis Baillie, 
Bishop of 
! Bangor. 

Robert Needham — Mary, d. of Edward 
Henry Hartopp Baillie. 
of Surrey, Esq. 

Sir Nicholas Bagenal = Anne, d. of Sir 
Constable of Leighlin ; 
died of wounds received 
in a duel with Sir Wil- 
liam St. Leger; buried 
in Christ Church, June 
19, 1607. 

Colclough of 1 
tern, knt. ; 2n< 
wife of Sir T.E 
ler of Cloghgi 


Mary B m only child, 
wife of Samuel Loftus, Esq. 

son ; 
i Ber- 
a, p. 

Waiter = Elizabeth Plunkett, 


Anne, only d. of = Dudley * 
Edward Butler d. July 27, 
of Ballyragget, 1712, at 
Co. Kilkenny, Bruges in 
Esq. Flanders. 


Anne, d. of J. 

Mathew of 


Henry, d. 

in Dublin, 

Dec. 17, 



of Dunleckney ; 

daughter of Chris- 

put to death by 

topher Roper, Lord 

High Court of 

Teynnam ; widow of 

Justice at Kil- 

John Plunkett of 

kenny, Octo- 


ber, 1652. * 






Katharine = John Corbett. 

Walter : 
b. 1671, 
d. 1745. 

Eleanor, d. of John 
Beauchamp, of Bal- 
lyloughan, Co. Car- 
low, Esq. 

Nicholas, d. at 
St. Renard in 
Flanders, s. p. 

Dudley, d. at 
St. Renard, 
s.p. 1757. 

Beauchamp == Maria, widow of 
Hantaan Ryan, Esq. 


b. 1762, 
d. 1814. 

Elizabeth, widow of 

— Chambers, Esq. 

Maria ■ 

Sir Ulysses de Burgh, K. C. B., 
Lord Downes. 

* See the Letters of Sir Henry Bagenal, of Hugh Earl of Tyrone, and of the Bishop of Meath, describing the elope* 
ment and marriage (" Journal "of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, new series, vol. i. p. 298). 



cillor ; 
der in 

' Two other Brothers, 
sleyneat Bullogne" 
(Carew M8S., p. 


Sir Samuel Bagenal, a Colonel 
in Queen Elizabeth's army in 
Ireland (Fynes Moryson's Iti- 
nerary, Ireland, pp. 25, 42). 

■■ Mabel, d. of G. Fitzgerald 
of Ticroghan Castle, Co. 
of Meath (Carew MSS., 
p. 635). 

Mary, wife of SirPatk. 
Barnewal of Grace - 
dieu, knt. 

Margaret, wife 
of Sir Christo- 
pher Flunket, 

Isabel, wife of Sir 
Edward Kynas- 
ton of Ottey in 
Salop, knt. 

Anne, wife of Sir 
Dudley Loftus, 
s. of Adam Lof- 
tus, Ld. Chan- 

Ursula, wife of 
Hugh O'Neill, 

f E. of Tyrone*. 


Sir Nicholas Bagenal = Anne, d. of Sir T. 

Constable of Leigklin ; 
died of wounds received 
in a duel with Sir Wil- 
liam St. Leger; baried 
in Christ Church, June 
19, 1607. 

Colclough of Tin- 
tern, knt. ; 2ndly, 
wife of Sir T.But- 
ler of Cloghgren- 


Joan, d. of = George = Joan Butler, Elinor, wife of Adam B. 

Garret Fitz- of Bally- 
gerald of Kil- moon, in 
kea, in Co. of tnecoun- 
Kildare; first ty of Car- 
wife, low. 

Mary B., only child, 
wife of Samuel Loftus, Esq. 

d. of Walter, Sir T, Colclough 
eleventh Eari of Tintern ; 2dly, 
of Onnond. of LukePlunkett, 







d. young, s. p. 

= John Corbett. 

1. at 





Anne = Sir Gcrvas Clifton, Bart. 

!>W Of 



bombers, Esq. 

5ir Ulysses db Burgh, K. C. B., 
Lord Downes. 

These names of the younger children of Dudley 
Bagnal are given in the claim made in the Court 
for Saleof the Forfeited Estates on their behalf. See 
" List of Claims as they are entered with the Trus- 
tees at Chichester House, College-green, Dublin, on 
or before 10th of August, 1700. Folio. Dublin : 
printed by Joseph Ray, are to be sold by Patk. 
Campbell, Bookseller, in Skinner-row. J 701."— Copy 
in King's Inns Library. The claims are printed at 
p. 185 supra. 

Sari of Tyrone, and of the Bishop of Meath, describing the elope- 
seological Society, new series, vol. i. p. 298). 


that confiscated his lands, and to die, at last, in poverty and exile, 
abroad. A tabular view of these viscissitudes will be found in the 
Pedigree of the Bagenals, which faces this page. 

Yet the fate of this family was a common one to befal the fa- 
mily of the Englishman settling in Ireland during the 17th century. 
The possession of Irish lands brought, almost invariably, in its train, 
some or all of the following misfortunes within a period of three 
descents : — One of the family, through his dealings with his Irish 
estate, will be found murdered by the Irish ; or of the sons and 
daughters, some having intermarried with the Irish, their children 
will have become Irish, often " as Irish as the Irish themselves ;" and 
the possessor of the property having adopted the recklessness of a 
people without a future, the family estate, either through treason, or 
debt contracted in a course of wild Irish hospitality, will have sunk 
into the vortex of one of those Forfeited Estates Courts, so frequent 
in the annals of the kingdom. 

Thus, tracing all the misfortunes that befel Colonel Walter 
Bagnal and his family to the sympathy with the Irish induced by 
his marriage — a connexion that so often became the cause of woe to 
the English settling among them — one is the less surprised at the 
careful foresight of Sir Jerome Alexander, an English lawyer, who 
condescended to take the office of a Puisne Justice of the Court of 
Common Pleas in Ireland at the Restoration. 1 By a provision of 
his will, approvingly referred to in a treatise already cited, on the 
importance of introducing foreigners into Ireland to supply English 
settlers with husbands for their daughters, and wives for their sons, 
and thus to diminish the necessity for their matching with the Irish, 
Sir Jerome forbade his daughter to marry an Irishman. But 
this shrewd observer, not confining the term to native or Milesian 
Irish, extended it to degenerate English, i. e. such as were called 
Irish landlords, or those resident in Ireland, who, in contradistinc- 
tion to pure, thorough-bred Englishmen, are ordinarily known by 
what another author, also cited, called "the odious character of Irish - 
man." The will bears date on the 20th March, 1670 (he died in the 
month of August following) ; and here is the clause, drawn Avith all 
the technical skill of an accomplished lawyer: — 

" I do make my said daughter, Elizabeth Alexander, my sole executrix 
of this my last will and testament, provided always and upon this further 
condition, that if my said daughter, Elizabeth Alexander, shall, at anytime 
after my decease, marry and take to husband any lord of Ireland, by what 
name or title soever he bears, or the sonn of any such lord, nobleman, or no- 
blemen, whatsoever, or any Archbishopp, Bishopp, P'late, or any Knight- 
Baronett, or Knight and Baronett, Esquire, Gentleman, or any Irishman, 

1 Sir Jerome Alexander, Knt., Justice of Law Offices of Ireland." By Constantino J. 
the Common Pleas, Patent, dated Dublin, Smyth.M. A., of Lincoln's-Inn, 12mo. Lon- 
29th January, 1660-1. " Chronicle of the don. 1889. 


°r that come of an Irish extraction and descent that have been born and 
bred in the kingdom of Ireland and that have his meanes and relations 
there and his fortune and meanes of subsistence, or any Papist or Popish 
recusant, that then in such case I do hereby declare all the gifts, legacies, 
and bequests whatsoever which I have herein given and bequeathed unto 
the said Elizabeth Alexander as aforesaid, to be utterly void and frustrate 
to all intents in purposes in Law whatsoever." 1 

But if the English adventurer found of times these calamitous 
consequences from settling in Ireland in the seventeenth century, 
the results to the Irish were still more fatal. To turn from the 
Bagnals to the dispossessed Irish of Idrone, we find them houseless 
and desperate from injuries and poverty, betaking themselves to the 
woods and wilds, turning Tories, and becoming fierce and destruc- 
tive as the wolves, their companions of the forest. 

As their leaders of gentle birth or blood died off, or were killed, 
they were not replaced ; but the ranks of these outlaws were still re- 
cruited from the lower and the poorer class. 

In this state they presented, at the end of thirty years, to the 
historian of the War of the Revolution, under the name of Rappa- 
rees, an aspect so fierce, so wan, and wild, that his commentator is 
appalled at the spectacle. He starts at the "hideous ferocity" of 
these Irish, " remaining untameable after so many ages since British 
civilization was first planted in Ireland ; exhibiting man, like the soli- 
tary hyena, that could neither be domesticated nor extirpated, prowl- 
ing over the grave of society, rather than its habitation 2 — Ireland 
thereby realizing the fate foretold for another nation : ' I will bring 

your sanctuaries and your land into desolation and your 

enemies who dwell therein shall be astonished at it.' " 3 

Like the same nation, too, the Irish of the seventeenth century 
were " scattered among all people, from one end of the earth unto the 
other," carrying with them into foreign lands their enduring hosti- 
lity — entering the armies of the enemies of their country, or (like 
the last of those' accomplished gentlemen the Moors of Spain, who, 
driven from their native Andalusia, in 16 1 0, became the first of those 
pirates called Sallee Rovers, in hatred of the injustice of the Chris- 
tians, 4 ) manning French privateers, and robbing and insulting the 
coasts of the land of their birth, from which they had been cast 
out. 6 

i Extracted from the original, in the being the Report of Rowley Laseelles, of the 

Court of Probate. His will is dated the Middle Temple : ordered by the House of 

20th March, 22nd Charles II. (a. d. 1 670.) Commons to be printed, 1814. Vol. i., p. 93. 
Probate, 30th August, 1670. 3 Leviticus, xxvi., 31, 32. 

* Res gest® Anglorum in HiberniS, ab * " Mahomedan Dynasties of Spain, by an 

anno 1150, usque ad 1800, being a preface African author of the year 1620." Vol. ii., 

to " The Liber Munerum Publicorum, or the p. 392. Printed for the Oriental Society. 
Establishments of Ireland during 675 years," 6 9th William III., c. 9, sec. 5.